THE

NEOLITHIC

OF

THE

LEVANT

A.M.T.

Moore

University

College

Volume

1

Thesis

submitted

for the

Degree

of

Doctor

of

Philosophy,

Oxford

University

1978

-

1

-

CONTENTS

Volume

1

page

CONTENTS

FIGURES

AND

TABLES

ABSTRACT

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

INTRODUCTION

Chapter

1

THE

ENVIRONMENT

OF

THE

LEVANT

IN

THE

LATE

PLEISTOCENE

AND

EARLY

HOLOCENE

Late

Pleistocene

Summary

Early

Holocene

Summary

Chapter

2

THE

MESOLITHIC

OF

THE

LEVANT

Mesolithic

1

Settlement

patterns

Economy

and

society

Mesolithic

2

Settlement

patterns

Economy

and

society

Chapter

3

NEOLITHIC

1

Distribution

of

sites

Economy

Discussion

Chapter

k

NEOLITHIC

2

Middle

Euphrates

West

Syria

Palestine

Relationships

between

Palestinian,

West

Syrian

and

Middle

Euphrates

sites

in

Neolithic

2

Mt.

Carmel

Jordan

valley

Judean

hills

Negev

and

Sinai

TransJordan

plateau

IV

vii

viii

1

11

21

25

31

37

hh

^

61

63

Qk

133

136

1U9

160

161

190

211

226

230

231

237

-

11

-

Contents

(continued)

Chapter

k

(continued)

page

Principal

cultural

characteristics

of

Neolithic

2

settlements

Distribution of

sites

Economy

Middle

Euphrates

sites

West

Syrian

sites

Palestinian

sites

Discussion

256

260

265

272

273

286

Volume

2

Chapter

5

NEOLITHIC

3

Middle

Euphrates

North Syria

South

Syria

Lebanese

coast

Beka'a

Damascus

basin

Palestine

South

Palestine

North

Palestine

Principal

cultural

characteristics

of

Neolithic

3

settlements

Timespan

of

Neolithic

3

Distribution

of

sites

Economy

Discussion

Chapter

6

NEOLITHIC

South

Syria

Lebanese

coast

Beka'a

Damascus

basin

Palestine

South

Palestine

North

Palestine

West

Palestine

Distribution

of

sites

296

299

329

3^2

355

358

359

367

379

382

38U

387

397

>*08

UU8

U65

-

Ill

-

Contents

(continued)

page

Chapter

6

(continued)

Economy

Community

organization

and

trade

^-75

Chapter

7

CONCLUSION

^79

APPENDIX

Carbon

1U

dating

^96

NOTES

500

BIBLIOGRAPHY

502

-

iv

-

FIGURES

AND

TABLES

All

artifacts

drawn

full size

unless

otherwise

indicated

page

Volume

1

Fig.

1

The

Levant

1

Fig.

2

A

reconstruction

of

vegetation

zones

c.

9000

B.C.

23

Fig.

3

A

reconstruction

of

vegetation

zones

c.

6000

B.C.

31

Fig.

k

A

reconstruction

of

vegetation

zones

c.

UOOO

B.C.

32

Fig.

5

Distribution

of

Mesolithic

1

sites

^2

Fig.

6

Distribution

of

Mesolithic

2

sites

61

Fig.

7

Jericho

Proto-Neolithic

-

flint

borers and burins

93

Fig.

8

Jericho

Proto-Neolithic

-

flint

scrapers

9^-

Fig.

9

Jericho

Proto-Neolithic

-

flint

sickle

blades

and

adze

95

Fig.

10

Jericho

PPNA

-

flint

scrapers,

borers

and

burins

96

Fig.

11

Jericho

PPNA

-

flint

adze

and

sickle

blades

96

Fig.

12

Neolithic

1

village

at

Nahal

Oren

(after

Stekelis

and

Yizraely)

100

Fig.

13

Nahal

Oren

Neolithic

1

flint

tools

102

Fig.

1U

Nahal

Oren

Neolithic

1

flint

tools

103

Fig.

15

a

-

El

Khiam

points (after

Perrot)

107

b

-

Harif

points

(after

Marks)

Fig.

16

Mureybat

IB-Ill

-

flint

arrovheads

and

adze

(after

Cauvin)

121

Fig.

17

Distribution

of

Neolithic

1

sites

133

Fig.

18

Extent

of

Neolithic

2

settlement

160

Fig.

19

Neolithic

2

Middle

Euphrates

sites

161

Fig.

20

Environs

of

Tell

Abu

Hureyra

163

Fig.

21

Tell

Abu

Hureyra

-

contour

plan

16U

Fig.

22

Tell

Abu

Hureyra

-

butterfly

beads

166

Fig.

23 Tell

Abu

Hureyra

-

double-ended

flint

cores

167

Fig.

2U

Tell

Abu

Hureyra

-

flint

arrowheads

168

-

v

-

Figures

and

Tables

(continued)

page

Fig.

25

Tell

Abu

Hureyra

-

Amuq

arrowheads

168

Fig.

26

Tell

Abu Hureyra

-

flint

scrapers

168

Fig.

27

Tell

Abu

Hureyra

-

flint

burins

169

Fig.

28

Tell

Abu Hureyra

-

flint

borers

169

Fig.

29

Tell

Abu

Hureyra

-

flint

sickle

blades

169

Fig.

30

Tell

Abu

Hureyra

-

bone

tools

171

Fig.

31

Tell

Abu

Hureyra

-

polished

stone

axes

and

chisel

172

Fig.

32

Neolithic

2

West

Syrian

sites

190

Fig.

33

Neolithic

2

Palestinian

sites

211

Fig.

3^

Beidha

-

Level

II

buildings

(after

Kirkbride

and

Perrot)

2h6

Volume

2

Fig.

35

Extent

of

Neolithic

3

settlement

295

Fig.

36

Neolithic

3

North

Syrian

sites

299

Fig.

37

Horns

-

Amuq

points

(after

de

Contenson)

305

Fig. 38

Pattern-burnished

vessels

310

a

-

Tell

Judaidah

(after

Braidwood

and

Braidwood)

b

-

Byblos

(after

Dunand)

Fig.

39

Neolithic

3

South

Syrian

sites

328

Fig.

hO

Byblos

-

Ne"olithique

Ancien

houses

(after

Dunand)

331

Fig.

hi

Byblos

Neolithique

Ancien

333

a

-

sickle

blades

(after

Cauvin)

b

-

Byblos points

Fig.

h2

Byblos

-

Neolithique

Ancien

jars

(after

Dunand)

335

Fig.

h3

Byblos

-

Ne"olithique

Ancien

bowls

(after

Dunand)

336

Fig.

hh

Neolithic

3

Palestinian

sites

359

Fig.

lj-5

Distribution

of

Neolithic

h

sites

U12

Fig.

h6

Byblos

-

N£olithique

Moyen

flint

tools

(after

Cauvin)

Ul6

Fig.

hj

Byblos

-

Ne"olithique

Recent

flint tools

(after

Cauvin)

U17

Fig.

U8

Byblos

-

Ngolithique

Moyen

jars

(after

Dunand)

-

vi

-

Figures

and

Tables

(continued)

page

Fig.

h9

Byblos

-

Ngolithique

Re*cent

bowls

and

jars

(after

Dunand)

Fig.

50

Neolithic

h

South

Syrian

sites

Fig.

51

Neolithic

U

Palestinian

sites

Fig.

52

Jericho

-

Pottery

Neolithic

B

vessels

Fig.

53

Palestine

-

supplementary Neolithic

3

and

k

sites

Fig.

5U

Estimated

14

C

calibration

curve

to

10,000

B.C.

Table

1

Percentages

of

obsidian

in

each

cultural phase

at

Tell

Abu

Hureyra

171

Table

2

1*98

-

vii

-

ABSTRACT

THE

NEOLITHIC

OF

THE

LEVANT

A.M.T.

Moore

University

College

Doctor

of

Philosophy

Hilary

Term

1978

The

archaeological

evidence

for

the

Neolithic

of the

Levant,

considered

to

have

lasted

from

c.

8500

to

3750

B.C.,

is

presented

and

an

attempt made

to

explain

its

origins

and

development.

The

discussion

is

concerned

with

four

principal

themes:

(1)

the

transition

from

a

hunter-gatherer

to

a

farming

economy,

(2)

the

social

evolution

that

accompanied

this

economic

development,

(3)

population

growth

immediately

"before

and during the

Neolithic

and

(U)

the

modifications

in

settlement

patterns

which followed

these other

changes.

The

environmental

changes

which

occurred

at

the

end

of

the

Pleistocene

and

early

in

the

Holocene

are

believed

to

"be

of

fundamental

importance.

The

degree

of

their

influence

on

the

four

main

themes

is

examined.

The

effects

of

man's

own

changing

activities

upon

his

environment

are

also

considered.

The

Neolithic

of

the

Levant

is

divided

into

four

stages,

designated

Neolithic

1

to

U,

on

the

evidence

of changes

in

economy,

population,

settlement

patterns

and

cultural

remains.

Regional

groups

of

sites,

defined

"by

their

cultural

material,

may

"be

discerned

and

their

evolution

followed

from

one

stage

to

the

next.

The

detailed archaeological

evidence

is

examined

principally

for

the

light

it

throws

upon

the

development

of

the

four

main

themes

of

the

thesis and

the

contemporary

changes

in

environment.

It

is

argued

that

the

amelioration

of

the

environment

in

the

late

Pleistocene

created

a

greater supply of

wild

foods

for

man

which

stimulated

population

growth.

This

was

accompanied

by

increased

sedentism

and

the

development

of

agricultural

techniques.

In

Neolithic

2

agriculture

was

intensified

and

the

population

grew

further.

After

6000

B.C.

the

population

of

the

Levant

lived

in

permanent

settlements

supported

"by

agriculture

"but

these

were

concentrated

only

in

the

more

fertile

and

well-watered

areas of

the

Levant.

This

new

way

of

life

permitted

another

increase

in

population

in

Neolithic

^

despite

a

deterioration

in

the

environment.

-

viii

-

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This

thesis

was

written between

1975

and

1977

but

much of

the

information

I

have

used

was

obtained

in

studies

carried

out

as

far

back

as

1969

when

I

first

went

to

the

Near

East to

begin

research.

Throughout

I

have

benefited

from

the

encouragement and

advice

of

my

supervisor,

Dame

Kathleen

Kenyon.

She

introduced

me

to

Near

Eastern

Archaeology

by

inviting

me

to

participate

in

her

excavations

in

Jerusalem

in

1966.

She has

allowed

me to

study

all the

available

Neolithic

material

from

her

excavations

at

Jericho

and

to

use

whatever

information

I

needed

from

the

records

of

the

excavation.

Her

firm

criticism

has

clarified

my

thinking

and

writing

while

her

generous

praise

has

given

welcome

support.

I

owe

her

much.

I

studied under

Professor

J.D.

Evans

at

the

Institute

of

Archaeology

of

London

University

from

1967 to

1969.

It

was he

who

stimulated

my

interest

in

prehistory

and

the

problems

of

the

Neolithic.

His

humane

approach to

the

study

of

prehistory

has

influenced

my

own

work

and

I

am

grateful

to

him

for his

continued

interest

in

the

progress

of

my

research.

The

Queen's

College,

Oxford

awarded

me

a

Randall

Maclver

Studentship

from

1969

to

1971

and

the

British

School

of

Archaeology

in

Jerusalem

made

me

their

Annual

Scholar

from

1969

to

1970.

These

two

studentships

enabled

me

to

spend

a

year

and

a

half

travelling

through

much

of

the

Near

East,

visiting

ancient

sites

and

studying

museum

collections.

During

this

period

I

formed

a

working

knowledge

of

the

available

archaeological material

which

I

have

used

in

preparing

this

thesis.

In

1973

I

was

awarded

a

Gerald

Averay

Wainwright

Research

Fellowship

in

Near

Eastern

Archaeology

at

Oxford.

This

Fellowship

has

supported

me

while

I

prepared

the

text

of

the

thesis;

it

has also

allowed

me

to

continue

work

on

my

other research

projects,

in

particular

my

excavation

of

Tell

Abu

Hureyra.

I

wish

to

thank

the

Curators

and

staff

of the

Pitt

Rivers

Museum

and

Dr.

D.A.

Roe

of

the

Donald

Baden-Powell Quaternary

Research

Centre

for

-

ix

-

affording

me

facilities

and

practical

help

during

the

preparation

of

this

thesis.

In

all

my

sojourns

in

the

Levant

the

Directors

and

staff

of

the

Depart-

ments

of

Antiquities

in

each

country

have

readily

granted

me

permission

to

carry

out

my

research.

The

Curators

of

all

the

major

museums have

also

allowed

me full

access

to the

collections

of

material

in

their

charge.

It

will

be

evident

that

I

could have

accomplished

little

without

this

help.

These

authorities

have

also

frequently

given

me

much

other

practical

assistance

and

generous

hospitality

for

which

I

offer

my

grateful

thanks.

Very

many

other

people

from

high

officials

to

simple

peasants

and

nomads

have

helped

me

in

my

travels

so

putting

me

in

their

de~bt

in

ways

that

cannot

be

repaid.

It

is

a

pleasure

to

recall

and

acknowledge

these

innumerable

kindnesses

here

which

have

been

given

so

freely

in

the

true

tradition

of

Levantine

hospitality.

Many

archaeologists

and

other

scholars

in

several

countries

have

allowed

me

to

study

material

from

their

excavations

or

from

collections

in

their

care.

Much

of

this

information

has

been

incorporated

in

the

thesis.

Others

have

helped

me

by

analysing

samples

submitted

to

them.

All

have

willingly

answered

my

questions

and

discussed

matters

of

common

interest.

I

wish

to

thank

them

all

and

in

particular

the

following:

Prof.

E.

Anati

for

showing

me

his

material

from

Tell

Abu

Zureiq;

Prof,

and

Mrs.

Braidwood

for

showing

me

their

material

from

the

Amuq

tells,

Tell

Fakhariyah,

Tabbat

el

Hammam

and

other

sites

as

well

as

much

helpful

discussion;

M.

and

Mme

J.

Cauvin

for

showing

me

their

excavations

at

Mureybat

and

material

from

the

site,

and

for

several

useful

discussions;

M. H.

de

Contenson

for first

introducing

me

to

the

archaeology

of

Syria,

for

allowing

me

to

participate

in

his

excavations

at

Tell

Aswad

in

1971

9

for

access

to material

he

has

excavated

from

other

sites

and

for

many

other

kindnesses;

Mrs.

L.

Copeland

for

numerous

discussions

on

the

prehistory

of

the

Levant

and

much valuable

help

and

advice given

over

many

years;

Dr.

R.

Dornemann

for

allowing

me

to

study

his

material

from

El Kum;

M. M.

Dunand

for

permitting

me to

study

material from

Byblos

,

showing

me

his

excavations

-

x

-

and

much

kind

hospitality;

Prof.

R.

Dyson

for

allowing

me

to

see

material

in

the

University

Museum

of

the

University

of

Pennsylvania;

Pe"re

H.

Fleisch

S.J.

for

giving

me

free

access

to

the

collections

in

the

Universite*

Saint-

Joseph,

Beirut and

for

much

valuable

information;

Dr.

D.H.

French

for access

to

the

collections

of

the

British

Institute

of

Archaeology

in

Ankara;

Dr.

J.B.

Hennessy

for

showing

me

his

material from

Teleilat

Ghassul

and

for

much

other

help

in

Jerusalem;

G.

Hillman

for

analysing

the

plant

remains

from

my

excava-

tion

at

Tell

Abu

Hureyra;

P£re

F.

Hours

S.J.

for

information

about

his

excavations

at

Jiita,

help

in

the

Universite"

Saint-Joseph, Beirut

and

many

valuable

discussions;

J.

Kaplan

for

allowing

me

to

study

material from

several

of

his

excavations;

L.H.

Keeley

for

examining

several

tools

from

Tell

Abu

Hureyra

for

traces

of

microwear;

Prof.

C.C.

Lamberg-Karlovsky

for

access

to

the

collections

of

the

Peabody

Museum,

Harvard

University;

A.J.

Legge

for

information

about

his

work

at

Nahal

Oren

and

for

examining

the

faunal

remains

from

Tell

Abu

Hureyra;

Prof.

A.E.

Marks

for

allowing

me to

study

material

from

his

excavations

at

Southern

Methodist

University,

Dallas;

Prof.

M.J.

Mellink

for

access

to

the

material

from

Tarsus

kept

at

Bryn

Mawr

College;

Mrs.

J.

Crowfoot

Payne

for

showing

me

the

chipped

stone tools

from

Jericho

and

for

many

helpful

discussions;

M.

J.

Perrot

and

his

assistants

for

showing

me

material

from

his

excavations;

Dr.

B.

Rothenberg

for

allowing

me

to

see

material

from

sites

he

has

discovered

in

Sinai;

Dr.

B.

Schroeder

for

showing

me

material

from

his

excavations

at

Nacharini

and

for

information

about

his

research;

G.

de

G.

Sieveking

and

C.

Bonsall

for

access

to

material

from

Nahal

Oren

and

other

sites

in

the

British

Museum;

the

late

Father

J.

Sira

9

S.J.

for

showing

me

material from

the

first

excavations

at

Teleilat

Ghassul

and

surface collections

from

other

sites

kept

in

the

Pontifical

Biblical

Institute,

Jerusalem;

the

late

Pere

R.

de

Vaux

O.P.

for

allowing

me

to

study

material

from

his

excavations

at

Tell

el

Far'ah

at

the

Ecole

Bibliqjue

Saint-

Etienne,

Jerusalem

and

for

valuable

discussions;

S.E.

Warren

of

Bradford

University

for

all

his

help

in

our

joint

project

of obsidian

analyses,

and

Professor

T.

Cuyler

Young

and

his

assistants

for

showing

me

material

in

the

Royal

Untarid

.Museum,

Toronto.

INTRODUCTION

Man

has

been

a

mobile

hunter-gatherer

for

most

of

his

existence.

This

pattern

was

first

modified

during

the

Neolithic

when

sedentary

societies

were

formed

whose

members

lived

in

permanent

villages

and

depended

upon

agriculture

for

their

livelihood.

These

momentous developments

were

the

most

significant

changes

in

man's

way

of

life

since

his

evolution

as

a

species.

They

were

also

an

essential

first

step

in

the

subsequent

evolution

of

civilization.

The

origins

and

development

of

this

new

social

and

economic

system

in

the

Levant

will be

the

subject

of

my

thesis.

The

Levant

was

one

of

the

regions

in

the

Near

East

where

these

changes

in

society

and

economy

began.

This

happened

well before

the

adoption

of

the

new

way

of

life

by

mobile

societies

in

Europe

and

Africa.

Thus

we

should

study

the

Neolithic

in

this

region

if

we

are

to

understand

how

the

new

pattern

of

existence

came

about

and

what

its

immediate

consequences

were.

The

Levant

is

a

distinct

geographical

region

defined

by

natural

frontiers

(Fig.

1).

To

the

north

the

Taurus

Mountains

lie

between

it

and

the

Anatolian

plateau

while

to

the

east

and

south-east

the

Syrian

desert

separates

it

from

Mesopotamia

and

Arabia.

Sinai

and

the Gulf

of Suez

form

the

boundary

between

the

Levant

and

Egypt.

These

geographical

limits

also

served

as

cultural

boundaries throughout

the

period

that

I

shall

consider.

They

reinforced

the

regional

nature

of

Levantine

culture

and

its

development.

Thus

the

Levant

formed

both

a

geographical

and

cultural

unit

throughout

the

Neolithic

and,

indeed,

for

some

time

before

which

makes

it

a

particularly

convenient

region

in

which

to

study the

emergence

of

the

new

way

of

life.

It

is

also

the

region

in

the

Near

East

which

has

been

most

intensively

explored

by

archaeologists

interested

in

Mesolithic

and

Neolithic

communities

so

that

we

may

consider

the

origins

and

development

of

the

first

agricultural

societies

in

greater

detail

here

than

anywhere

else.

'.ffr;\.o>;p-«;•!.••.

<;^*

>£?•

<^

„>£.£;.

,'5-»

--.*•.;*-••*

'

.

J

*

**.

y»

O*

.*

-.*

.

:-t«^

r

:---:

:

^^.vl-.'^^;^n--

•«••.•.•:>:..•.-.»*.•

>

.

.-

•>

...

-..x...

c^s

r

'.•••

r.y.

•

Fig.

1

The

Levant

scale

1

=

4,000,000

-

2

-

Agriculture

formed

the

"basis

of

the

new

way

of

life

so

the

evolution

of

this

economy

will

be

the

first

main

theme

of

my

thesis.

Agriculture

involves

the

controlled

exploitation

of

plants

and

animals,

the

planting

and

harvesting

of

crops

and

the

reproduction

and

regular

culling

of flocks

and

herds.

I

shall

consider

what

species

of plants

and

animals

were

selected

for

agriculture

by

man

in

the

Levant.

I

shall

also

attempt

to

describe

the

systems

of

farming

employed

and

how

these

species

were

exploited

within

them.

The

change

from

a

hunter-gatherer

to

a

farming

economy

brought

about

considerable

alterations

in

the

way

human

groups

were

organized.

At

the

beginning

they

were

widely

dispersed

across

the

landscape

rarely

remaining

in

one

place

for

more

than

a

few

weeks

at

a

time.

Towards

the end of

the

Neolithic

by

contrast

most people

were

concentrated

in

villages

where

they

spent

all

their

lives.

In

the

course

of this

fundamental

change

in

social

organization

relations

between

members

of

each

group

were

also

greatly

modified.

These

changes

in

social

structure

are

to

us

perhaps

the

most

important

of

all

the

consequences

of

the

Neolithic

since

they

concern

the

way

in

which

members

of our own

species

behave

towards

each

other.

Thus

the

changes

that

took place

in

social

structure

will

be

the

second

principal

theme

of

my

thesis.

We

believe

that

the

population

grew

during

and

after

the

period

of

transition

from

a

hunter-gatherer

to

an

agricultural

way

of

life

in

the

Levant.

This

increase

would

have

been

intimately

connected

with

the

change

in

economy

and

would

have

had

an

important influence

on

the

modifications

of

the social

structure.

A

consideration

of

the

question

of

population

growth

will

be

third

theme

of

my

thesis.

Such

fundamental

changes

in

economy,

social

structure

and

human

numbers

would

be

reflected

in

the

pattern

of

settlement.

The

distribution

of

sites

across

the

landscape

and

their

nature

would

depend upon

all

these

factors.

The

internal

arrangements

of

each

site

might

also

be

expected

to

reflect

the

social

organization

of

its

inhabitants

and

the

size of the

group

which

-

3

-

lived

on

it.

Changes

in

settlement

patterns

will

be

one

of

the

most

important

items

of

archaeological

evidence

that

I

shall

consider

and

in

themselves

will

form

the

fourth

major

theme of my

thesis.

The

transition

from

mobile

hunting

and

gathering

which

had

characterised

man's

existence

throughout

the

Palaeolithic

to

a

Neolithic

agricultural

society

living

in

permanent

villages

took

place

about

the

time

of the

change

from

Pleistocene

to

Holocene.

During

this

period

the

temperature

began

to

rise

world-wide,

the

glaciers

retreated

and

the

sea

level

rose.

This

coin-

cidence

is

important

for

it

may

indicate

that

the

two

phenomena

were

related,

that

the

environmental

changes

created

conditions

which

were

favourable

for

the

development

of

the

Neolithic

way

of

life.

It

will

therefore

be

necessary

to

examine

in

detail the

climate

and

environment

of

the

Levant

in

the

late

Pleistocene

and

to

see

how

these

were

modified

during

the

early

Holocene.

This

will

be

the

subject

of

Chapter

1.

In

subsequent

chapters

I

will

examine the

effects

of

the

environmental

changes

on

the

factors

which

form

the

main

themes

of the thesis.

Man

himself

was not

simply

affected

by

alterations

in

his

environment

but

contributed

to

these

changes

by

exerting

his

own

influence

on

his

surroundings.

During

the

Neolithic,

perhaps

for

the

first

time,

he

came

to

play

a

significant

role

in

determining

the

nature

of

his

environment.

I

shall

discuss

the

evidence

we

have

for

the

effects

of

man

on

his

surroundings

in

appropriate

sections

of

the

thesis.

The

origins

of

the

Neolithic

way

of

life

can

only

be

understood

if

we

know

how

the

people

of

the

Levant

lived

in

earlier

periods.

To

this

end

I

shall

consider

the

Mesolithic

of

the

Levant,

the

stage

preceding

the

Neolithic,

in

Chapter

2

of

the

thesis.

I

shall

examine

in

outline

the

settlement

pattern,

economy,

population

and

social

structure

of

Mesolithic

communities

in

the

Levant

since

these

concern

the

major

themes

of

the

thesis.

The

changes

in

economy,

social structure,

population

and

settlement

that

occurred

during

the

Neolithic

can

only

be

determined

by

a

thorough

enquiry

into

all

the

archaeological

evidence.

It

will

be

necessary

to

consider

most

of

the

known

sites

themselves

and

their

distribution

as

well

as

the

remains

that

have

"been

found

on

them

in

excavation,

survey

or

by

chance.

The

organic

remains

found

on

some

sites are

the

most

important

source

of

evidence

for

the

economy

"but

I

shall

also

consider other

material

that

has

a

bearing

upon

this

main

theme.

The

relative

dates

when

each change

occurred

provide

the

framework

within which

all the

other kinds

of

evidence

must be

ordered.

These

dates

depend

upon

the

chronology

of

the

evolution

of

the

Neolithic

derived

from

absolute

dating and

the

comparative

stratigraphy

of

sites

and

typology

of

artifacts.

I

shall

consider

these

topics

in

detail

at

appropriate

places

in

each

chapter.

The

enquiry

into

the

archaeological

evidence

will

form

the

bulk

of

the

thesis

from

Chapters

3

to

6.

It

will

be seen that

I

conclude

from

this

that

the

evolution

of

the

Neolithic

of the

Levant

falls

into

four

stages.

In

each

chapter

I

shall

first

present

the

archaeological

evidence

for

the

successive

stages.

I

shall

then

consider

changes

in

settlement

patterns,

economy,

social

structure

and

population

in

relation

to

this

evidence.

My

conclusions

on

how

the

Neolithic

began

and

subsequently

developed

will

be

presented

in

Chapter

7.

Much

of

the thesis

will

be

necessarily

devoted

to

establishing

through

a

detailed

description

of

the

archaeological

material

what

happened

in

the

Neolithic.

I

wish

to

take

the

enquiry

further

than

this

by

attempting

to

explain

why

the

changes

that

I

shall

present,

particularly

in

economy,

social

structure and

population,

took

place.

The

scope

of

the

discussion

will

be

broad

since

it

concerns

one

of

the

most

important

changes

that

has

taken

place

in

man's

way

of

life

as

it

occurred

in a

large

region

and

over

a

considerable

span

of time.

It

will

afford

an

opportunity

to

consider

one

of

the

problems

of

modern

archaeological

theory:

is

there

one

all-embracing

model

or

explanation

by

which

the

changes

I

shall

describe

may

be

understood?

Is

there

any

single

event

or

cause

to

which

all

that

followed

may be

attributed?

Were

there

several

factors

which

determined

the

course

of

events?

-

5

-

On

the

other

hand,

did the

Neolithic

of

the

Levant

come

a"bout

as

the

result

of some

haphazard

conjunction

of

circumstances?

Or

are

there

other

explana-

tions

for

this

fundamental

change

which

lie

between

the

two

extremes

of

these

theoretical

approaches?

-

6

-

Chapter

1

THE

ENVIRONMENT

OF

THE

LEVANT

IN

THE

LATE

PLEISTOCENE

AND

EARLY

HOLOCENE

The

environment

of

the

Levant

at

the

close

of

the

Pleistocene

and

early

in

the

Holocene

was

until

recently

poorly

understood.

It

had

long

"been

thought

that

changes

in

the

environment

at

the

end

of

the

Pleistocene

contributed

to

the

evolution

of

the

Neolithic

way

of life

but

the

influence

of

these

changes

could

not

be

properly

assessed.

Recent

studies

in

geo-

morphology, palynology

and

palaeozoology

have

produced new

evidence

on

which

to

base

an

outline

reconstruction

of

the

environment

in

the

late

Quaternary.

I

will

begin

this

chapter

by

discussing

certain

general

factors

which

affected

the

environment

of

the

whole

Levant.

I

will

then

consider

the

evidence

for

the

climate,

landscape

and

vegetation

of

each

region

of

the

Levant

and

how

they

were

modified,

first

in

the

late

Pleistocene

and

after

in

the

early

Holocene.

In

northern

latitudes

the

late

Pleistocene

is

marked

by

the

Wtlrm/

Wisconsin

glaciation.

The

Near

East

was

not

directly

affected

by

the

advance

of

the

European

ice

sheets

but

its

climate

was

significantly

altered

none-

theless.

An

indication

of

these

climatic

changes

has

been

obtained from

studies

of

the

fauna

and

sediments

in

several

deep-sea

cores.

Analyses

of

cores

drilled

in

the

Red

Sea

have

determined

that

the

climate

was

cooler

and

more

humid

there

during

the

period

of

the

last

glaciation

(Herman,

1968,

3^5)

.

Two

other

deep-sea

cores

have

been

drilled

in

late

Quaternary

deposits

in

the

eastern

Mediterranean,

one

between

Cyprus

and

Crete

(no.

189)

and

the

other

west

of

Crete

(V

10.67).

Oxygen

isotope

analysis

of

these

cores

has

shown

that

the

temperature

of

the

Mediterranean

fell

considerably

during

the

period

of the

last

glaciation

(Emiliani,

1955

9

90;

Vergnaud-Grazzini,

Herman-Rosenberg,

1969,

288}

and

studies

of

the

fauna

of

core

V

10.67

have

confirmed

this

conclusion

(Vergnaud-Grazzini,

Herman-Rosenberg,

1969,

2b3).

There

is

some

doubt

about

how

much

the

temperature

actually

decreased

at

this

-

7

-

time

but recent

work

suggests

that

the

estimate

of

Vergnaud-Grazzini

and

Herman-Rosehberg

of

a

fall

of

between

5°

and

10 C

is

the

more

reasonable

(Farrand,

1971, 53*0.

This drop

in

temperature

caused

increased

glacial

activity

in

the

mountainous

regions

of

the

Eastern

Mediterranean.

The

present

relict

glaciers

in

the

Taurus

expanded

considerably

and

it

is

estimated

that

the

snowline

lay

about 1000m

lower

than

today

(Messerli,

1967,

139),

that

is

at

about

2650m.

It

is

also

believed

that

there

were

glaciers

in

the

Mountains

of

Lebanon

and

on

Mount

Hermon

(Kaiser,

1961,

131ff;

Klaer,

1962,

97;

Messerli,

1966,

U6ff)

but

there

is

a

divergence

of

opinion

over

how

much

the

snowline

was

depressed

in

the

Levant.

Klaer

claims

that

the

permanent

snowline

today

would

lie

between

3200

and

3^00m

(1962,

97)

but

Messerli

estimates that

it

would

be

as

high

as

3700m

(1966,

61),

that

is

above

the

summits

of

the

highest

mountains

in

the

Lebanon.

Both

derive

their

different

estimates

from

studies

of

present

snowfall.

Klaer

and

Messerli

have

also

examined

the

evidence

for

glaciation

in

the

mountains

and almost

agree

on

the level

of

the

permanent

snowline

during

the

Wurm.

Klaer

thinks

that

it

lay

between

2750

and

2850m

and

so

fell

about

500m

(1962,

117);

Messerli

believes

that

the

snowline

was

at

about

2700m

(1966, 61),

a

much

greater

fall

of

about

1000m.

Messerli's estimate

of

a

depression

of

about

1000m

would

agree

better

with

the

evidence

from

the Taurus and

so

may

be

the

more

likely.

If

a

fall

in

the air

temperature

was

the

sole

cause

of

this

lowering

of

the

snowline

then

it

would

need

to

have

dropped

about

6

or

7 C

(Messerli,

1967

9

207;

Farrand,

1971,

550),

an

estimate

which

agrees

broadly

with

the

evidence

of

the

deep-sea

cores.

Studies of

the

sediments

of

some

cave

sites

in

the

Levant

have

shown

that

these

were

deposited

under

the

prevailing

cooler climate

of

the

last

glaciation.

This

is

most

apparent

at

the

inland

sites

of

Jerf

'Ajla

and

Yabrud

which

were

affected

by

continental

conditions.

Frost

weathering

could

be

detected

throughout

the

Mousterian

and

Upper

Palaeolithic

sequence

-

8

-

at

Jerf

'Ajla

(Goldberg,

1969,

750)

although there

were

some

fluctuations

reflecting

warmer

climatic

phases.

It

is

also

believed

that

the

top

five

metres

of

deposit

at

Yabrud

I,

which

includes

the

Mousterian

layers,

was

laid

down

under

cooler

conditions

(Farrand.,

1965^,

^1ff).

Although

winters

can

be

cold

in

these

areas

today

they

are

rarely

cool

and

moist

enough

to

cause

significant

frost

weathering.

Farrand

has

detected cryoturbation

in

the

Levallois-Mousterian

and

Upper

Palaeolithic

layers

at

Jebel Qafzeh

(1971,

553;

1972,

233)

near

Nazareth.

This

site

lies on

the edge

of

the

Galilee

hills

at

an

elevation

of

220m

(Bouchud,

197^,

87),

sufficiently

high

apparently

to

have

experienced

frost

weathering.

The

climate

at

coastal

sites

such

as

Tabun

was

also

some-

what

cooler

during

the

last

glaciation

(Jelinek

et_al.,

1973,

177)

"but

not

cold

enough,

apparently,

to

cause

significant

frost

weathering

(Farrand,

1971» 553).

The

evidence

from

the

caves

thus

supports that

from

other

sources,

indicating

that

during

the last

glaciation

the

temperature

in

the

Levant

fell

by

several

degrees.

The

advance

of

the

ice

sheets

absorbed

water

from

the

oceans

and

markedly

lowered

sea-levels.

During

the

later

Wurm

sea-levels

throughout

the

world

fell

by

perhaps

100

or

150m

(Fairbridge,

1961,

152;

Milliman,

Emery,

1968,

1123;

Butzer,

1972,

217)

which

considerably

altered

the

configuration

of

the

coastline

of

the

Levant.

Taking

the

more

modest

estimate

of

a

fall

of

100m,

the

shoreline

in

Palestine

would

have lain

15

km

further west

across

a

gradually

sloping

coastal

plain.

In

Lebanon

and

southern

Syria

the

coastal

plain

would

have

been

about

5

km

wider

than

now,

sloping

down to

the

sea

and

dissected

by

wadis.

North

of

Lattakia

it

would

have

been

only

2

km

wider

with

a

steep

slope.

The

displacement

of

the

coastline

has

important

implications

for

the

pattern

of

later

prehistoric

settlement

as

we

see

it

today.

All

Terminal

Palaeolithic

and

Mesolithic

sites

and

some

early

Neolithic

ones

now

situated

near

the

sea

would

have

lain

well

inland

at

the

time

they

were

inhabited.

-

9

-

This

includes

the

sites

in

the

coastal

dunes

and

around

Mount

Carmel

in

Palestine

as

veil

as

many

of

the

shelter

sites

in

Lebanon.

An

open

coastal

plain

would

have

lain

to

the

west

of

these

sites

so

their

environments

would

have

appeared

much

more

favourable

for

settlement

then than

they

do

now.

Almost

certainly

many

more

prehistoric

sites

were

situated

on

the

coastal

plain

which

are

now

drowned.

These

would

have

included

almost

all the

sites

whose

inhabitants

might

be expected

to

have

supported

themselves

partly

by

fishing.

Our

present

views about

the

economy

and

settlement

pattern

of

sites

on

the

seaward

side

of

the

coastal

hills

and

mountains

of

the

Levant

will

thus

be

distorted

if

we

fail

to

allow

for this

evidence

which

we have

lost.

Palaeotemperature

studies

of

deep-sea

cores

from

the

Atlantic, Caribbean

and

Pacific

indicate

that

the

temperature

gradually

began

to

rise

worldwide

between

20,000 and

15,000

B.P.

(Emiliani,

Shackleton,

197^,

figs.

3,

U).

After

15

9

000

B.P.

it

rose

sharply until

it

reached

a

maximum

about

5000

B.P.

The

palaeotemperature

curves

derived

from deep-sea

cores

mask

almost

all

the

minor

fluctuations

in

temperature

that

occurred

during

this

period

but

one

temporary

fall

in

temperature

about

10,000

B.P.

lasted

long

enough

to

be

detected

in

the

Caribbean

cores

(Emiliani,

1972,

fig.

3).

This

has

been

equated

with

the

Post-Allero'd

or

Younger

Dry

as

phase

of

cooler climate

in

northern

Europe

(Lamb,

Woodroffe,

1970,

Uo).

As

the

temperature

increased

so

the

glaciers

melted

and

the

level

of

the

oceans

around

the

world

began

to

rise;

this

process

had

certainly

begun

by

12,000

B.C.

(Milliman,

Emery,

1968,

1123)

and

perhaps earlier

before

1U,000

B.C.

(Farrand,

1965a,

396;

Shackleton,

Opdyke,

1973,

U6).

There-

after,

although

interrupted

by

several

short

stages

of

retreat

(Curray,

1961,

1?07ff;

Fairbridge,

1961,

15^ff)

the

level

of

the

oceans

rose

rapidly

until

about

5000 B.C.

and

then

more

slowly

until

it

reached

its

present

level

about

UOOO

(Fairbridge,

1961,

fig.

1U;

Shackleton,

Opdyke,

1973,

U6)

or

3000

B.C.

(Butzer,

1972, 530).

There

is

no

general

agreement

on

the

actual

levels

of

the

sea

worldwide

at

particular

times

during

this

period

although

-

10

-

one can

gain

some

idea

of

the

rapidity

of

the

transgression

by

comparing

estimates

based

on

evidence

from

the

continental

shelves.

Thus

by

10,000

B.C.

Fairbridge

estimates

that

the

sea

had

risen to

about

Uo

or

50m

below

its

present

level

(1961,

fig.

1U)

although

Milliman

and

Emery

believe

it

still

to

have been

much

lower

(1968,

figs.

1,2):

at

TOGO

B.C.

perhaps

15

(Fairbridge,

1961,

fig.

15)

or

as

much

as

50m

lower

(Milliman,

Emery,

1968,

figs.

1,2):

at

5000

B.C.

10

to

30m

below

present

levels.

The

most

recent

curve

of

glacio-eustatic

sea-level

fluctuations

during

the

Quaternary

is

that

published

by

Shackleton

and

Opdyke

(1973,

fig.

7).

This

was

derived from

oxygen

isotope

analysis

of

foraminifera

in

a

core,

Vema

28-238,

drilled

in

the

sea

bed

of

the

Pacific.

This

new

evidence

also

indicates

that

the

level

of

the

sea

rose

rapidly

once

the

ice

began

to

melt.

The

curve agrees

better

with

that

of

Fairbridge

than

of

Milliman

and

Emery;

Shackleton and

Opdyke

estimate that

at

10,000

B.C.

the

sea

would

have

been

about

30

to

UOm

below

the

present

level.

These estimates

may

not

correspond

exactly

with

the

Mediterranean

rise

in

sea-level

but

as

a

recent

study

has

shown

that

there was

little

tectonic

movement

along

the

Levant

coastline

during

this

period

(Sanlaville,

quoted

in

Copeland,

1975

9

318)

they

probably

give

a

rough

indication

of

the

rate

of

change.

They

suggest

that

the

coastal

plain

was

sufficiently

open

to

facilitate

communications

along

the

Levant

coast

until

about

7000

or

even

as

late

as

5000

B.C.,

that

is

during

the

later

Neolithic.

Thereafter,

although

the

level

of

the

sea

rose

further

and there

were

additional

minor

fluctuations

(Sanlaville,

1969,

290),

this

had

no

significant

effect

on

the

pattern

of

settlement.

Movement

along the

coast

became

more

difficult,

particularly

at

the

foot

of

the

Mountains

of

Lebanon

between

Beirut and

Tripoli.

Studies

of

shorelines,

sediments

and

pollen

samples

have

shown

that

there

were

several

marked

oscillations

in

climate

during

the

period

of

the

last

glaciation

and

after.

Unfortunately

these

oscillations

are

not

well

dated

and

it

is

difficult

anyway

to

correlate

the

evidence

from

these

different

-

11

-

sources.

Thus

there

is

no

general

agreement

on

the

pattern

of

climatic

change

in

the

Levant during

the

late

Pleistocene

and Holocene.

Some

authorities

believe

they

can

detect

a

detailed

sequence

of

climatic

fluctua-

tions

which

matches

the

well-documented

record

of

northern

Europe

(Horowitz,

1971,

27Uff)

while

others

think

that

the

evidence

is

insufficiently

detailed

for

such

a

precise evaluation

(Farrand,

1971,

559;

Butzer,

1975,

389,

kok).

Nevertheless,

there

is

now

enough

evidence

from

a

variety

of

sources

to

attempt

a

reconstruction

of

the

environment

at

the

close

of

the

Pleistocene

and

in

the

early

Holocene,

even if

the

absolute

chronology

is

still

uncertain,

Late

Pleistocene

During

much

of

the

period

of

the

last

glaciation

the

inland

"basins

of

Palestine

and

TransJordan

were

filled

with

"pluvial"

lakes.

The

largest

of

these

was

the

Lisan

lake

which

flooded

much

of

the

Rift

valley

at

present

occupied

by

the

Sea

of

Galilee,

the

River

Jordan

and

the

Dead

Sea.

This

lake

came

into

existence

after

about

70,000

B.P.

and

was

maintained

at

its

highest

level

from

about

50,000

to

20,000

B.P.

during

the

"Lisan"

Stage

(Neev,

Emery,

1967,

26,

fig.

16).

It

was

then

about

220

km

long

although

no

more

than

17

km

wide

and

its

surface

was

at

about

180m

below

mean

sea

level,

some

200m

above

the

present

surface

of

the

Dead

Sea

(Neev,

Emery,

1967,

25).

It

is

believed

that

the

Lisan

lake

was

created

during

a

period

of

increased

precipitation,

or

at

least

at

a

time

when

there

was

more

run-off

of

surface

water

and

less

evaporation

in the

Rift

valley

(Neev,

Emery,

1967,

26).

The

ecological

equilibrium

in

this

region

is

easily

disturbed

so

even

small

changes

in

climate

can

have

a

great

effect

on

the

environment.

It

has

been

calculated

that

a

rainfall

increase

of

as

little

as

200m

in

the

Rift

valley

catchment

would

be

sufficient

to

create

the

Lisan

lake

(Ben-

Arieh,

196U,

k6}

without

any

change

in

other

variables.

We

know

from

other

evidence

that

the

temperature

fell

by

at

least

5°C

during

the

last

glaciation

-

12

-

which,

as

Butzer

has

pointed

out

(1975,

393)

would

have

increased

effective

precipitation

by

reducing

evaporation.

It

may

be

that

there

was

little

more actual

rainfall

but

combined

with

the

drop

in

temperature

this

was

enough

to

fill

the

Lisan

basin.

Although

the

lake

was

so

large

it

was

always

too

salty

for

fish

and

molluscs

to

live

in

it

(Neev,

Emery,

196?

9

8"0

and

thus

useless

to

man

as

a

source

of

food.

Because

of

its

length

it

would

also

have

hindered

rapid

communication

between

the

Judean

uplands

and

TransJordan.

During

the

last

glaciation

another

very

large

lake

existed

in

the

Jafr

basin

to

the

east

of

Maan

(Huckriede,

Wiesemann,

1968,

79)

and

smaller

ones

in

the

Azrak

depression

and

perhaps

elsewhere

in

TransJordan.

The

Jafr

lake

was

between

1000

and

1800

sq

km

in

area

(Huckriede,

Wiesemann,

1968,

78).

It

was

a

freshwater

lake

and

its

sediments

were

rich

in

molluscs. An

upper

layer

of

the

lake deposits

has

been

dated

to

27,700

±

870

B.P.

Hv-1719

(Huckriede,

Wiesemann,

1968,

81).

Further

north

the

Damascus

basin

was

also

flooded

during

the

Wtirm

and

there

was

a

small

lake

in

the

Barada

gorge

(Kaiser

et

al.,

1973,

279,

299).

Large

bodies

of

freshwater

such

as

the

Jafr

and

Damascus

basin

lakes

would

have

created

highly

favourable environments

for man.

They

contained

an

abundance

of

fish

and

molluscs

while their marshy

shores

would

have

attracted

wildfowl

and

game.

Their

surface area was

sufficiently

great

for

evaporation

to

create

greater

humidity

in

the region

than

now.

This

would

have

made

more

moisture

available

for

plants

through

both

increased

precipitation

and

dew.

About

18,000

B.C.

the

Lisan

lake

shrank

until

its

surface

lay

at

about

37m

below

mean

sea level

(Neev,

Emery,

1967,

26);

this

happened

very

quickly,

perhaps

within

a

millennium.

The

water

level

of

the

lake

dropped

so

much

during

this

"Dead

Sea"

Stage

that

the

Lisan

split

into

four

relict

lakes:

the

Sea

of

Galilee,

a

lake

at

Beth-Shan

and

two

lakes

in

the

Dead

Sea

basin.

It

is

believed

that this

rapid

transformation

was

partly

caused

by

tectonic

-

13

-

subsidence

but

either

a

decrease

in

precipitation

or

increase

in

evaporation

or

a

combination

of

the

two

must

also

have

taken

place.

The

water

level

remained

low

for

several

millennia

but

then

rose

again,

apparently

because

of

an

increase

in

available

moisture.

This

phase

of

higher

water

level

is

dated

by

a

single

14

C

date

of

7900

+

150

B.C.

(Neev,

Emery,

1967,

28).

The

Jafr

lake

gradually

dried

up

sometime

after

26,000

B.C.

(Huckriede,

Wiesemann,

1968,

80,

82),

a

process

that

is

probably

associated

with

the

demise

of

the

Lisan

lake.

There

followed

a

very

arid

stage

of

uncertain

length.

This

was

succeeded

by

a

phase

of

more

effective

precipitation

during

which

mudflats

were

formed

in

the

Jafr

basin

(Huckriede,

Wiesemann,

1968,

82ff).

The

sequence

in

the

Jafr

basin

matches

that

in

the

Rift

valley

so,

although

the

mudflat

phase

is

not

accurately

dated,

it

can

probably

be

correlated

with

the

phase

of

Dead

Sea

higher

water

level

about

8000

B.C.

More

arid

conditions

during

the

late

glacial

also

caused

the

Damascus

basin

lake

to

diminish

in

area.

This

happened

some

time

after

20,000

B.C.

and

the

end

of

the

regression

phase

itself

has

a

single

llf

C

determination

of

17,OUO

±

520

B.C.

Hv-Wfl

(Kaiser

et

al.

,

1973,279ff,

3^8ff).

There

was

considerable

aeolian

erosion

during

this

phase,

as

in

the

Jafr

basin.

Recent

work

in

Nubia

indicates

that

the

climatic

pattern

in

Egypt

was

closely

conditions

in

the

southern

Levant

during

the

Wurm.

The

climate

there

was

semi-arid

but

cooler

for

much

of

this

period

with

more

available

moisture

than

today

(Butzer,

1975,

397,

^-OU).

The

principal

phase

of

increased

moisture

took

place

during

the

earlier

Wtirm

between

50,000

and

25,000

B.P.

when

substantial

beds

of

gravels

and

silts

were

laid

down

by

the

increased

discharge of

the

Nile

and

its

tributaries

(Butzer,

1975,

395ff)«

This

phase

was

contemporary

with

the

Lisan

Stage

in

the

Jordan

basin.

Thereafter

an

arid

phase

ensued,

as

in

the

southern

Levant,

which

lasted

until

about

15,000

B.C.

This

was

followed

by

two

moister

phases

extending

well

into

the

Holocene.

The

first

continued

until

about

10,000

B.C.

and

is

associated

with

the

deposition

of

the

Darau

member

of

the

Jebel

Silsila

Formation

(Butzer,

1975,

396).

The

second

lasted from

about

9200

until

6000

B.C.

during

which period

the

Arminna

member

was

formed.

These

phases

coincided

with

the

high

level

of

the

Dead

Sea

that

occurred

in

the

Levant

at

the

time

of

the

transition

from

Pleistocene

to

Holocene.

The

coincidence

is

not

exact

as

on

present

evidence

the two

Egyptian

phases

spanned

a

longer

period

than

the

Levantine

phase.

After

6000

B.C.

the

Egyptian

climate

became

arid

and,

apart

from

another

moist interval

in

the

Uth

millennium,

it

has

remained

so

until

today.

The

principal

source

of

information

about

the

vegetation

during

this

period

comes

from

palynological

studies

of

cores

drilled

in

lacustrine

and

riverine

sediments.

These

studies

are

also

an

important

additional

source

of

information

about

climatic

conditions,

even if

the

data

are

open

to

conflicting interpretations.

A

deep

core,

K-Jam,

has

been

drilled

in

the

bed

of

Lake

Huleh

into

sediments

which

are

believed

to

date

from

the

present

back

to

the

Riss-Wurm

interglacial

(Horowitz,

1971»

266).

A

pollen

sequence

has

been

prepared

from

this

core

which

shows

fluctuations

in

vegetation

that

reflect

the

same

climatic

changes

as

the

"pluvial" lake

sediments.

Samples

taken

from

a

depth

of

between

50

and

35m

had

relatively

high

values

of

arboreal

pollen

(Horowitz,

1971»

267),

principally

tabor

oak

(Quercus

ithaburensis)

,

indicating

that

the

Galilee hills to the

west

were

clothed

with

deciduous

oak

forest.

Gramineae

and

Cyperaceae

were

poorly

represented

because

Lake

Huleh

was

more

extensive

then

but

there

was

abundant

open

field

vegetation around

the

lake.

This

phase

apparently

can

be

equated

with

the

Lisan

Stage

when

there was

more available

moisture

than

today.

The

vegetation

changed

during

the

from

35

to

25m

in

the

core.

The

total

percentage

of

arboreal

pollen

decreased,

reflecting

principally

a

sharp

decrease

in

oak,

but

the

values

of

olive

(Plea

europaea),

pistachio

(Pistacia

sp.),

Aleppo

pine

(Pinus

halepensis)

and

cypress

(Cupressus

sp.)

pollen

slightly

increased

(Horowitz,

1971»

267).

As

these

are

all

-

15

-

Mediterranean

species

it

appears that

the

former

oak

forest

in

the

hills

was

replaced

by

open

maquis

vegetation.

Both

Gramineae

and

Artemisia

pollen

increased;

these

and

other

vegetational

changes

suggest

that

Lake

Huleh

diminished

in

size.

Horowitz

attributes

these

developments

to

the

onset

of

a

-warmer,

humid

climate

(19T1»

267),

a

conclusion

which

his

evidence

appears

to

contradict.

The

replacement

of

oak

forest

by

maquis

and

the

shrinking

of Lake

Huleh

suggest,

rather,

that

there

-was

less

available

moisture

then.

A

sample

from

the

30m level

has

been

dated

by

11

*C

to

16,850

+

195

B.C.

Hv-1725

(Horowitz,

1971

9

26U) so

this

phase

appears

to

be

contemporary

with the

contraction

of

the

"pluvial"

lakes.

We

know

from

the

evidence

of

the

deep-sea

cores

that

the

temperature

was

near

its

glacial

minimum

at

this

date,

another

fact

which

conflicts

with

Horowitz's

inter-

pretation.

The

phase

above,

from

25

to

18m

in

the

core,

was

marked

by

a

rise

in

arboreal

pollen,

mostly

from

oak:

the

percentage

of

Mediterranean

tree

pollen

diminished

(Horowitz,

1971,

diagram

p.

260).

Pollen

of

open

field

species

increased

with

the

oak

but

pollen

of

marsh

plants

declined

as

the

lake

expanded.

Horowitz

believes

that these

changes

were

caused

by

cooler,

moister

conditions

(1971»

267)

but

this

is

partly

contradicted

by

other

evidence

which

suggests

that

the

postglacial

rise

in

temperature

had

already

begun.

This

phase

in

the

pollen

core

corresponds

to

the

rise

in

level

of

the

Dead

Sea

in

the

lower

Jordan

valley.

The

pollen

evidence

suggests

that

northern

Sinai

carried

a

denser

vegetation

during

the

Wurm

than

today

(Horowitz,

1975,

221)

with

scrub

cover

at

least

and

even some

trees

in

the

Negev

highlands.

There

were

some

varia-

tions

in

the

pollen

record,

reflecting

fluctuations

in

the

climate

during

the

¥urm.

One

phase

of

somewhat

richer

vegetation

in

the

Negev

during

the

Natufian

can

be

detected

from

pollen

analysis

of

samples

from

the

site

of

Rosh

Zin

(Henry,

1973a,

U7).

Much of

the

pollen

was

from

Chenopodiaceae

but

there

was

a

little

arboreal

pollen

from

evergreen

oak

(Quercus

calliprinos)

-

16

-

and

olive,

species

that

could

not

survive

in

the

area

today.

Pollen

analysis

of

samples

from

stations

on

the

seaward

side

of

the

Mountains

of

Lebanon

has

also

shown

that

the

vegetation

there

varied

during

the

Wurm

under

the

influence

of

a

changing

climate

(Leroi-Gourhan,

1973,

kh).

The

Nahr

Ibrahim

samples

indicate

that

at

one

stage

during

the

earlier

Wurm

the

slopes

of

the

mountains

were

covered

with

forest

almost

down

to

present

sea-level.

The

forest

was

composed

partly

of

deciduous

species

such

as

lime

and

hazel

with

cedar,

pine

and

ivy

also

present.

Conditions

needed

to

be

both

cooler

and

moister

then

than

now

for

these

deciduous

species

to

flourish

and,

as

we

have

seen,

there

is

supporting

evidence

for

such

a

climatic

change from

other

sources.

Very

few

late

Wurm

pollen

samples

have

been

analysed

from

Lebanon

but

there

are

some

indications

that

the

vegetation

thinned

out

in

response

to

a

decrease

in

available

moisture

(Leroi-Gourhan,

1973,

^6).

Then

almost

at

the

end

of

the

Wurm,

perhaps

about

12,000

or

11,000

B.C.,

tree

pollen

increased

during

a

moister

interlude.

This

phase

may

be

correlated

with

a

similar

fluctuation

in

Palestine

about

this

time.

Pollen

analysis

of

a

core

from

Sahl

Aadra

north-east

of

Damascus

gives

further

support

to

this

pattern

of

vegetation

change

in

Palestine

and

Lebanon.

The

core

was

drilled

through

sediments

at

the

edge

of

the

Damascus

basin

"pluvial"

lake

and

it

spans

the

later

Wurm

after

perhaps

22,000

B.C.

Zones

1

and

2

at

the

bottom

of

the

core,

dated

by

two

determinations

of

21,555

±

p?£o

B.C.

Hv-M*68

and

20,060

±

350

B.C.

Hv-UU69,

had

high

herbaceous

and

Gramineae

pollen

values

with

some

Chenopodiaceae

and

a

maximum

of

1U$

arboreal

pollen

(Kaiser

et

al.,

1973,

fig.

5).

The

latter

was

principally

composed

of

cedar

and

pine

with

a

little

oak,

walnut

and

some

olive.

There

were

traces

of

silver

lime

(Tilia

tomentosa),

hornbeam

(Carpinus

orientalis/

Ostrya)

and

wing

nut

(Pterocarya)

which

are

not

found

so

far

south

today

(Kaiser

et

al.,

1973,

305ff)

because

they

cannot

tolerate

such

a

warm,

dry

climate.

The

arboreal

species

would

have

occupied

the

hills

around

the

-

17

-

Damascus

basin

and

the

Anti-Lebanon

Mountains

to

the

west.

The

profile

suggests

that

the

climate

during

this

phase

was cooler

than

today

with

more

available

moisture.

After

a

high

water

phase

in

zone

3

the

lake

retreated

in

zone

h

as

the

climate grew more

arid;

arboreal

pollen

fell to

less

than

8%

and

herbaceous

species

9

Gramineae

and

Chenopodiaceae

dominated

the

profile

(Kaiser

et

al.,

1973,

306).

Cedar

and

pine

pollen

decreased

sharply

although

oak

and

walnut

were

still

present

in

small

numbers.

Another

significant

change

in

the

vegetation pattern

took

place

in

zone

5

(Kaiser

et

al.

,

1973,

307ff,

fig.

5).

Gramineae

dominated

the

profile

at

first

but

silver

lime was

present

once

more.

Then

the

arboreal

pollen,

consisting

mostly

of

cedar,

increased

to

over

35%.

Marsh

plants

were

once

more very

abundant

which

suggests

that

the

Damascus

basin

lake

expanded

during

this

phase.

Conditions

were now

moister

than

before.

The

full

development

of

this

stage

took

place

sometime

after

17,000

B.C.

Central

and

northern

Syria

appear

to

have

experienced

a

climate and

vegetation

different

from

the

rest

of

the

Levant

during

the

Wurm.

There

is

no

clear

evidence

that

substantial

bodies

of

water

like

the

Lisan

and

Jafr

lakes

formed

in

the

inland

drainage

basins

north

of

Damascus

(van

Liere,

1960-61,

10)

which

at

once

suggests

that

there

was

little

more

available

moisture

in

the

region

than

now,

despite

the

lower temperature.

This

view

is

supported

by

the

pollen

evidence

from

a

core

drilled

in

the

Ghab

section

of

the

Orontes

valley

15

km

south

of

Jisr

esh-Shaghur.

The

core

spans

much

of

the

period

of

the

last

glaciation

and

the

earlier

Holocene.

Throughout

this

time

the

Ghab

contained

a

lake

surrounded

by

marshes

which

survived

well

into

the

Holocene

(Niklewski,

van

Zeist,

1970,

751).

This lake

was

created

by

tectonic movement

in

the

Orontes

valley

and

its

continuance

was

determined

more

by

the

local

geology

than

by

climatic

conditions.

The

pollen

which

collected

in

the

lake

records

the

past

vegetation

of

Jebel

Alawiye

(Ansariye)

to

the

west

and

Jebel

Zawiye

to

the

east

as

well

as

the

-

18

-

The

samples

from

the

earliest

section

of

the

core,

zones

S,

T

and

U,

indicate

a

spread

of

forest

cover

on

"both

Je"bel

Alawiye

and

Jebel

Zawiye

which

reached

a

peak

in

sub-zone

T1

(Niklewski,

van

Zeist,

1970,

7^7).

The

climate

would

have

been

cooler

than

at

present

throughout

this

period

and

with

much

the

same

amount

of

available

moisture

as

today

in

zones

T

and

U,

although

drier

in

zone

S.

The

core

is

dated

by

three

lif

C

deter

minations

only;

extrapolation

from

these

indicates

that

this

earliest

section

may

date

from

before

U5,000

B.P.

(Niklewski,

van

Zeist,

1970,

751ff,

table

2).

Thereafter

towards

the

end

of

the

glaciation

from

zone

V

through

to

Y

the

forest

decreased,

giving

way

to

steppe.

The

loss

of

tree

cover

was

most

extreme

in

sub-zone

Y5

when

the

only

forest

left

was

on

the

seaward

side

of

Jebel

Alawiye;

Jebel

Zawiye

was

steppic

as

it

had been

continuously

since

zone

V

(Niklewski,

van

Zeist,

1970,

750,

fig.

k)

.

There

were

varia

tions

in

vegetation

during

this

long

period

as

the

climate

fluctuated

but

for

most

of

the

time

it

was

drier

and

often

cooler

than

now.

Only

towards

the

end

of

this

long

dry

period

does

there

seem

to

be

a

close

correlation

with

the

southern

Levant

where,

in

response

to

drier

conditions

after

perhaps

18,000

B.C.,

the

Lisan

and

Jafr

lakes

shrank,

The

vegetation

in

the

Ghab

region

changed

markedly

in

zone

Z

(Niklewski,

van

Zeist,

1970,

750ff).

In

response

to

an

increase

in

both

temperature

and

available

moisture

the

forest

expanded

over

the

whole

of

Jebel

Alawiye

and

clothed

Jebel

Zawiye

with

light

tree

cover.

It

is

suggested

that

the

moisture

increased

briefly

beyond

present

day

levels

allowing

the

vegetation

to

reach

a

slightly

richer

climax

than

today

in

sub-zone

Z2.

The

vegetation

changes

recorded

in

zone

Z

can

probably

be

changes

in

vegetation

and

lake

levels

that

took

place

in

Lebanon

and

Palestine

at

the

end

of

the

¥urm.

It

is

not

possible

to

date

zone

Z

exactly

but

Niklewski

and

van

Zeist

suggest

on

the

evidence

of

the

latest

of

the

Ghab

llf

C

dates

that

it

may

have

begun

about

9^-00

B.C.

although

they

admit

a

possible

margin

of

error

of

-

19

-

several

thousand

years

(1970,

752);

on

their

evidence

it

is

more likely

that

zone

Z

began

earlier

rather

than

later.

This

would

permit

a

closer

correlation

with

changes

elsewhere

in

the

Levant,

even

though

these

are

admittedly

almost

equally

uncertainly

dated.

Seeds

preserved

in

the

Mesolithic

deposits

at

Tell

Abu

Hureyra

throw

light

on

the

environment

further

east

at

this

time

(Hillman,

1975,

TOff).

The

vegetation

was

steppic

"but

quite

rich

in

species

compared

with

the

present.

It

is

possible

that

some

trees

such

as

hackberry

and

turpentine

were

also

growing

in

the

area;

if

so

the

rainfall

must

have

been

slightly

higher

then.

Such

an

environment

would

be

quite

similar

to

that

of

today

if

man

had

not

disturbed

the

vegetation.

An

intermediate

zone

of

open

forest

would

have

lain

between

the

forested

coastal

mountains

and

the

park-like

steppe

around

Abu

Hureyra.

The

pollen

record

of

the

Ghab core

is

almost the

only

detailed

evidence

we have

for

vegetation

and

climatic

change

in

northern

Syria

during the

later

WUrm

but

the

pattern

it

reveals

is

supported

by

other

pollen

cores

from

Greece

and

the

Iranian

Zagros.

Wijmstra

has

made

a

detailed

study

of

the

upper

section

of

a

deep

core

drilled

at

Tenaghi

Philippon

in

Macedonia.

Zones

V,

P

and X of

this

core

were

characterised

by

high

counts

of

Artemisia

and Chenopodiaceae and

low

values

for

arboreal

pollen

(Wijmstra,

19&9,

525)

These

zones

cover

much

of

the

period

of

the

last

glaciation

from

about

50,000

B.P.

to

1U,600

B.P.

(Wijmstra,

1969,

523,

527,

fig.

2).

Wijmstra

suggests

that

the

climate

was

both

cooler and drier

then

than

now

(1969,

526)

which

accords

with

the

evidence

of

the

Ghab

core

from

Syria.

The

proportion

of

arboreal

pollen

increased

through

zone

Y

reaching

modern

levels

about

8000

B.C.

The

Tenaghi

Philippon

data

are

supported

by

another

pollen

core

from

loannina

in

Epirus.

Although

this

was

drilled

at a

higher

elevation

than

the

Tenaghi

Philippon

core

it

nevertheless

shows

the

same

vegetational

and

climatic

trends. Zones

IIC

and

III

were

characterised

by

high

values

-

20 -

of

herbaceous

pollen

and

low

arboreal

pollen caused

by

cool,

dry

conditions

(Bottema,

196?

9

28).

These

zones

cover

the

period

from

approximately

UO,000

to

before

10,000

B.P.

At the

beginning

of

zone

IV

Artemisia

pollen

decreased

and oak

pollen

increased

as

the

forest

expanded

into

a

previously

steppic

area,

a

phase

which

corresponds

to

zone

Y

at

Tenaghi

Philippon.

Several

cores

have

been

drilled

in

late

Quaternary

deposits

in

the

floors

of

valleys

in

the

Zagros

Mountains.

From

pollen

analysis of

these

cores

it

is

possible

to

reconstruct

the

pattern

of

vegetation

in

the

region

from

the

late

Pleistocene

into

the

Holocene.

In zone

A1

of

the

63-J

core

from

Lake

Zeribar

there

were

very

high

proportions

of

Chenopodiaceae

and

Artemisia

but

almost

no

arboreal

pollen

(van

Zeist,

196T

9

fig.

3).

This

zone

is

dated

to

between

20,000

and

12,000

B.C.

and

it

is

suggested

that

the

climate

then

was

cooler

and drier

than

today.

Analysis

of

two

other

cores

from

Lalabad

springs

and

Lake

Nilofar

in

the

Kermanshah

valley

shows

that

similar

conditions

prevailed

further

to the

south-east

(van

Zeist,

196T

9

309).

Chenopodiaceae

and

Artemisia

values

remained high

in

zones

A2

and

B

of

the

Zeribar

core

but

plantain

(Plantago)

pollen

now

formed

10$

of

the

diagram

and

arboreal

pollen,

mostly

oak,

became

significant

for

the

first

time.

Van

Zeist

suggests

that

this

indicates

the

spread

of

savanna

vegetation,

caused

by

an

increase

in

both temperature

and

precipitation

(1967

9

310).

A

gradual

expansion

of

trees

continued

until

about

UOOO

B.C.;

the

percentage

of

arboreal pollen then

rose

rapidly

as

an

oak

forest

developed

in

response

to

an

increase

in

available

moisture.

This

pattern

of

vegetation

change

is

supported

by

the

results

from

another

core

drilled

at

a

lower

elevation

at

Lake

Mirabad

in

the

Saidmarreh

valley.

The

change

from

a

late

Pleistocene

vegetation

formed

under

arid

conditions

to

a

savanna

and

then

later

an

oak

forest

as

temperature

and

available

moisture

increased

matches

both

the

Ghab

core

and

those

from

northern

Greece.

-

21

-

Summary

It

will

"be

helpful

now

to

summarise

the

evidence

discussed

above

in

order

to

present

an

outline

of

the

environment

of the

Levant

in

the

late

Pleistocene.

We

have

established

that

during

the

last

glaciation

the

level

of

the

sea

on

the

Levant

coast

dropped

considerably.

The

temperature

fell

between

5

and

10 C

9

the

most

likely

estimate

being

about

6

or

7

C.

This

led to

a

lowering

of

the

snowline

and

below

that

the

treeline

and

altitudinal

vegetation

belts.

The

fall

in

temperature

increased

the

effectiveness

of

precipitation

which

in

its

turn

led

to

marked

alterations

in

vegetation

and

lake

levels;

it

does

not

appear,

however,

that

there was

much

if

any

absolute

increase

in

rainfall

at

this time.

This,

together

with

the

unequivocal

evidence

for

an

arid

phase

in

the

Levant

towards

the

end

of

the

Wtirm

glacia-

tion,

contradicts

the

view

expressed

by

some

authorities

(Horowitz,

1975>207;

Begin

et

al.,

197^-

9

28)

that

there

was

a

distinct

"pluvial"

phase

in

the

Near

East

corresponding

to the

WUrm/Wisconsin

glaciation

in

northern

latitudes.

For

much

of

the

last

glaciation

there

were

large

lakes

in

the

inland

basins

in

the

central

and

southern

Levant

because

there

was

more

available

moisture

in

these

regions

than

today.

Moister

conditions

also

prevailed

in

Egypt during

this

period.

Apart

from

a

lake

in

the

Ghab

section

of

the

Rift

valley

there

do

not

seem

to

have

been

any

large

open

bodies

of

water

in

Syria

so

there

was

not

as

much

available

moisture

there

as

in

the

rest

of

the

Levant.

Early

in

the

Wtirm

glaciation

the

vegetation

was

denser than

it

would

be

today

without

human

interference.

Tree

cover

extended

throughout

the

upland

zone

behind

the

Levant

coast.

The

slopes

of

the

Lebanon

Mountains

and

the

lower

Anti-Lebanon

were

clothed

with

mixed

deciduous

and

coniferous

forest.

There

was

oak forest

in

Galilee

and

probably

Judea

while

trees

were

found

as

far

south

as

Sinai.

Even

the

Jebels

Alawiye

and

Zawiye

carried more

forest

than

would

be

possible

today.

In

northern

Syria

the

forest

thinned

out

in

response

to

increased

aridity

and was

largely replaced

by

steppe

well

before

the

middle

of

the

-

22

-

Wurm;

open

forest

and

steppe

were

also

characteristic

of

Macedonia

for

much

of

the

last

glaciation.

The

tree

cover

remained

fairly

dense

in

Lebanon

and

Palestine,

however,

until

much

later.

A

marked

change

in

the

climate

and

environment

of

the

Levant

took

place

quite late

in

the

WUrm.

The Lisan,

Jafr

and

Damascus

basin

lakes

all

shrank.

The

inception

of

this

phase

is

approximately

dated

by

14

C

determinations

of

lake sediments.

These

dates

would

suggest that

the

regression

phase

of

these

lakes

began

at

approximately

the

same

time

about

20,000

to

18,000

B.C.

The

vegetation

also

changed

about

this

time.

The

trees

thinned

out

in

the

uplands

and

mountains

and

the

steppe

greatly

expanded.

In

Galilee

the

oak

forest

was

replaced

by

maquis.

Although

the

Lebanon

Mountains

continued

to

be

forested

the

tree

cover

was

much

reduced;

in

the

Anti-Lebanon

and

around

Damascus

very

few

trees

were

to

be

found

at all.

The

replacement

of

forest

1y

steppe

which

had

begun

some

time

before

in

northern

Syria

went

still

further

until

only part

of

the

Jebel Alawiye

carried

any

tree

cover.

The

whole

Syrian

plateau

would

have

been

intensely

steppic

and

this zone

would

have

extended

as

far

south

as

TransJordan.

Similar

steppic

conditions

characterised

the

Zagros

at

this time

while

steppe

and

open

forest

still

constituted

the

vegetation

in

northern

Greece.

Although

there

is

disagreement among

palynologists

about

the

causes of

these

vegetation

changes,

there

seems

little

doubt

that

a

reduction

in

the

available

moisture

was

responsible

for

the

drop

in

lake

level,

the

expansion

of steppe

and

the

reduction

in

tree

cover.

This

stage

coincided

with

the

second

severe

cold

phase

of

the

Wurm

in

northern

Europe

(Butzer,

1972,

27^-)

and

the

temperature

in

the

Levant

would

have

been

at

its

lowest

during

this

period.

The

climate

was,

therefore,

arid

and

relatively

cool.

Towards

the

end

of

the

last

glaciation

there

was

another

change

in

environmental

conditions

throughout

the

Levant.

The

inland

basin

lakes

expanded

again

though

they

did

not

reach

their earlier

Wurm

high

levels.

The

steppe

retreated

and

there

was

an

expansion

of

forest

cover.

Oak

forest

-

23

-

partly

replaced

maquis

in

northern

Palestine

while

scattered

evergreen

oak

and

olives

grew

in

the Negev.

The

forests

became

much

denser

in

the

Lebanon

Mountains

and

woodland

with both

cedar

and

deciduous species

spread

quite

widely

in

the

Anti-Lebanon.

In

northern

Syria

the

forest

expanded

greatly

over

both

the

coastal

mountains

and

the

Jebel

Zawiye.

It

was

a

mixed

forest

of

oak,

pistachio,

olive

and

hornbeam

with

some

cedar

(Niklewski,

van

Zeist,

1970,

7U6).

During

this

period

the

vegetation

of

the

Levant

reached

a

particularly

rich

climax

(Fig.

2).

As

today

there

were

three

vegetation

zones

from

the

well-watered

coast

to

the

arid

interior.

In

the

coastal

mountains and

on

the

edge

of

the

plateau

to

the

east

was

a

Mediterranean

forest

zone.

Today

species

such

as

pine

(Pinus

brutia

and

Pinus

halepensis)

9

pistachio

(Pistacia

lentiscus),

both

deciduous

and

evergreen

oak,

oriental

plane

(Platanus

orientalis)

and

juniper

are

characteristic

of this

zone

(Zohary,

1962,

UU)

but

then

it

included

several

species

typical

of

cooler

conditions.

This

zone

extended

much

further

east

and

south

than

now.

Beyond

the

Mediterranean

foresl

lay

the

steppe

zone

(irano-Turanian)

with

a

rainfall

of

between

300

and

150mm

(Zohary,

1970).

Today

this

zone

is

composed

principally

of

herbs

and

dwarf

shrubs

such

as

Ephedra,

Noea,

Haloxylon

and

Artemisia

herba-alba

but

also

pistachio

(Pistacia

atlantica)

and

jujube

(Zohary,

1962,

U7);

the

plant

remains

from

the

Mesolithic

settlement

at

Tell

Abu

Hureyra

suggest

that

this

zone

was

richer

in

species

then.

An

intermediate

belt

of

open

woodland

would

have

.lain

between

the

Mediterranean

and steppe

zones

like

today

(Zohary,

1970;

Pabot,

1957,

68)

but

this

belt

may

have

been

broader

then.

The

third

zone

was

the

true

desert

(Saharo-Sindian

or

Saharo-Arabian),

receiving

less

than

150mm

rainfall

a

year

and

characterised

by

a

very

poor

vegetation

(Zohary,

1970).

This

zone

was

much

less

extensive

than

today,

probably

occupying

part

of

the

Arabian

interior

and

so

only

impinging

on

the

south-eastern

corner

of

the

Levant.

Once

again

a

change

in

the

amount

of

moisture

available

seems

to

have

Mediterranean

forest

—

Intermediate

open

forest

Fig.

2

A

reconstruction

of

vegetation

zones

c.

9,000

B.C.

scale

1:5.000.000

-

2U

-

"been

the

principal

cause

of

"both

the rise

in

lake

levels

and the

spread

of

forest.

This

was

entirely

due

to

an

increase

in

precipitation

because

we

know

from

the

deep-sea

cores

that the

temperature

worldwide

had

already

begun

to

rise.

This

temperature

rise,

or

at

least

the

effects

of

it,

seems

to

have

taken

place

a

little

later

in

the

Eastern

Mediterranean

and

Red

Sea

as

the

cores

from

there

do

not

indicate

any

significant

warming

much

before

12,000

or

13,000

B.P.

(Vergnaud-Grazzini,

Herman-Rosenberg,

19&9,

fig.

2;

Herman,

1968,

326).

The

presence

of

species

such

as

silver

lime

in

the

hills

around

Damascus

indicates

that

it

was

still

relatively

cool

during

this

phase.

The

date

for the

beginning

of this

moister

phase

is

uncertain

because

the

relevant

14

C

dates

from

pollen

spectra

and

sediments

in

the

Levant

occur

either

well

before

or

sometime after

its

inception.

A

good

estimate

can,

however, be

made

from

data

in

neighbouring

regions.

The

transition

from

zone

X

to

zone

Y

in

the

pollen

spectrum

from

Tenaghi

Philippon

is

dated

at

12,650

±

200

B.C.

GrN-Ul83

(Wijmstra,

1969,

523),

a

date

that

fits

well

with

14C

determinations

from

several

cores

drilled

in

the

area.

A

similar transi-

tion

at

Lake

Zeribar

is

dated

about

12,000

B.C.

In

the

Levant

itself

we

know

that

the

change

took

place

after

a

date

of

16,850

±

195

B.C.

Hv-1725

for

the

regression

phase

in

the

Huleh

basin

and

a

date

of

17,0^0

±

520

B.C.

for

the

same

regression

in

the

Damascus basin.

The

phase

also

began

sometime

before

9^00

B.C.

in

the

Ghab,

a

date

estimated

from

a

14

C

determination

of

8,130

±

55

B.C.

GrN-5810

for

the

transition

from

sub-zone

Z1

to

Z2

in

the

pollen

spectrum

(Niklewski,

van

Zeist,

1970,

7^3,

751ff).

The

rise

in

level

of

the

Dead

Sea

is

dated

7900

±

150

B.C.

and

must

have

begun

sometime

before

that.

A

fair

estimate

for the

beginning

of

this

phase

in

the

Levant

might

be

about

12,000

B.C.

bearing

in

mind

the

dates

from

Tenaghi

Philippon

and

Lake

Zeribar

but

this

may

be

in

error

by

as

much

as

two

millennia.

Although

the

date

for

the

beginning

of

this

phase

is

so

uncertain

the

phase itself

is

clearly

contemporary

with

the

Late

Glacial

in

northern

Europe

(Butzer,

1972,

27^).

This

was

a

complex

period

of

alternate

milder

and

-

25 -

colder

phases.

It

is

not

surprising, therefore,

if

it

is

difficult

to

inter-

pret

the

geomorphological

and

pollen

data

for

this

phase

in

the

Levant.

The

actual

changes

which

these

data

record

need

not

have

happened

at

exactly

the

same

time

so

one

should

not

necessarily

expect

to

be

able to

give

a

single

date

for the

inception

of

this

phase.

Early

Holocene

The

date

for the

end

of

the

Pleistocene

and

beginning

of

the

Holocene

in

northern

Europe

has

been

determined

as

about 8000

B.C.,

one

recent

estimate

being

8300

B.C.

(Butzer,

1972,

530).

This date

is

believed

to

mark

a

sub-

stantial

reduction

of the

glaciers

and

the

draining

of

the

Baltic

Lake.

These

criteria

have

little

relevance

for the

Levant

yet

this date

does

appear

to

coincide

with

certain

environmental

changes

there

that

characterise

the

true

Holocene.

8000

B.C.

may,

therefore,

also

be taken

as

a

convenient

point

at

which

to

divide

the

Pleistocene

and

Holocene

in

the

Levant.

After

a

marked

fall

in

the

9th

millennium

B.C.

the

temperature

rose

again

at

the

beginning

of

the

Holocene

and

continued

to

increase

until

perhaps

as

late

as

3000

B.C.,

certainly

throughout

the

Neolithic.

This

rise

seems

to

have

been

less

irregular

in

the

earlier

Holocene

than

during

the

Late Glacial

but

there

may

still

have

been

minor

fluctuations

that

affected

the

environ-

ment

of

the

Levant.

The

Dead

Sea

remained

at

a

higher

level than

before

for

several

millennia

during

the

early

Holocene.

The

ratio

of

run-off

to

evaporation

was

high

during

this

period

and

an

extensive

bed

of

clay

was

laid

down

in

the

Dead

Sea

basin

(Neev,

Emery,

1967,

28).

During

a

subsequent

drier

phase

a

layer

of

rock

salt

was

superimposed

on

this clay bed.

The

deposition

of

this

rock

salt

is

estimated

to

have

taken

place

between

U500

and

3500

B.C.

Another

phase

of

increased

available

moisture followed

when

a

further

bed

of

clay

was

laid

down;

this

bed

is

dated

by

a

single

llt

C

determination

of 2H60

±

320

B.C.

(Neev,

Emery,

1967

9

28),

The

Beth-Shan

lake

existed

throughout

this

period

-

26

-

but

was

finally

drained

sometime after

3000

B.C.

No

significant

alterations

in

lake

level

during

the

Holocene

have

"been

detected

in

the

Jafr

depression

(Huckriede,

Wiesemann,

1968,

85)

but

changes

were

taking

place

in

the

Damascus

basin.

Here

alternating

drier

and

moister

phases

are

believed

to

have

influenced

the

environment

during

the

Holocene

(Kaiser

et

al.,

1973,

351ff)

although

these

phases

are

not

well

dated.

During

the

middle

Holocene

a

deep

layer

of

calcareous sediments was

deposited

by

heavy

winter

rains

at

Tekieh

in

the

Barada

gorge and

run-off

was

sufficiently

great

to wash

more

sediment

into

the

Damascus

basin

(van

Liere,

1960-61,

5^-K

Nevertheless,

despite

this

evidence

of

erosive

activity,

the

late

Wurm

lake

in

the

Damascus

basin

gradually

shrank

and

divided

into

two to

form

the

present

Hijjane

and

Ataibe

lakes.

This

was

caused

by

an

increase

in

evapora-

tion

following

the

Holocene

rise

in

temperature

and

an

eventual

decrease

in

effective

run-off.

The

rise

in

sea-level

towards

the

end of

the

Pleistocene

sharply

reduced

the

gradient

of

the

rivers

on

the

seaward

side

of the

Jebel

Alawiye.

The

valleys

of

the

Nahr

el

Kebir

and

the

other

smaller

rivers

began

to fill

with

debris

(van

Liere,

1960-61,

2U).

The

erosive

power

of

the

run-off

in

this

region

has

not

been

very

strong

during

the

Holocene

so

this

deposit

has

continued

to

accumulate

and

little

sediment

reaches

the

sea.

The

evidence

for

changes

in

vegetation

in

the

Levant during

the

Holocene

is

less

satisfactory

than

for

the

Pleistocene.

Very

few

pollen

cores

have

been

drilled

and

studied

while

those

which

are

available

are

difficult

to

interpret.

This

is

true even

in

the

northern

Jordan valley

where

no

less

than

five

cores

have

been

bored

in

Holocene

sediments,

three

in

the

Huleh

basin

(K-Jam,

U.P.6,

U.P.15)

and

two

in

the

bed

of

the Sea

of

Galilee

(D-1016/2,

D-1021/1).

Unfortunately

the

cores

were

sampled

at

rather

wide

intervals

and

relatively

few

pollen

grains

were recovered

(Horowitz,

1971

9

259).

1If

C

determinations have

been

made

on

samples

from

only

three

of

the

five

cores,

K-Jam,

U.P.15

and

D-1016/2.

The

K-Jam

date

(Hv-1725) falls

in

-

27

-

the

Pleistocene

but

the

other

dates

cluster

in

the

second

half

of

the

Holocene.

Because

of

this

uneven

distribution

one

must

treat

with

caution

Horowitz's

calculations

of

average

sedimentation

rates

in

the

cores,

particularly

when

he

applies the

supposed

rate

in

the

dated

core

U.P.15

to

U.P.6

although

the

lithology

in

the

two

is

completely

different

(Horowitz,

19T1»

269).

One's

misgivings

are

reinforced

on

observing

that

some

of

the

dates

applied

to

different

stages

in

the

cores

have

been

incorrectly

calculated

from

the

supposed

sedimentation

rates

(Horowitz,

1971»

268).

Even

when

one

allows

for

these

discrepancies

one finds

that,

on

Horowitz

f

s

own

division

of

the

stages,

the

results

from

the

cores

are

in

part

contradictory.

In

spite of

these

difficulties

it is

necessary

to

attempt

to

analyse

the

data

presented

in

this

study

because

it

provides

almost

the

only indepen-

dent

evidence

about

the

Holocene

vegetation

in

this

region;

the

other

source

of

data,

evidence

from

archaeological

sites,

may

be

expected

to

be

influenced

by

man's

activities.

K-Jam

is

a

much

deeper

core

than

the

others

and

it

is

only

the

section

from

18

to

9m

which

is

believed

to

record

the

vegetation

in

the

first

half

of

the

Holocene

(Horowitz,

1971,

267).

At

18m

the

percentage

of

arboreal

pollen,

principally

oak,

is

relatively

high

but

then

this

gradually

declines.

At the

same

time pollen of

marsh

plants

and

grasses

increases,

reflecting

a

gradual

contraction

of

Lake

Huleh.

A

more

detailed

picture

of

Holocene vegetation

changes

may

be

obtained

from

core

D-1016/2.

This

core

is

thought

to

have

been

drilled

entirely

in

Holocene

sediments

(Horowitz,

1971»

270ff)

and

samples

for

pollen

analysis

have

been

taken

at

shorter

intervals

of time

than

in

the

K-Jam

core.

A

sample

at

the

bottom

of

the

core

from

a

depth

of

30m

below

the

surface

of

the

lake,

which

is

believed

to

date

from

the

beginning

of

the

Holocene,

has

a

low

value

of

10%

for

arboreal

pollen

composed

mostly

of

oak

with

a

little

Aleppo

pine.

Open

field

species

are

much more

common,

accounting

for

over

55%

of the

pollen

(Horowitz,

1971»

diagram

p.

266).

Horowitz

believes

that

these

figures

are

supported

by

the

pollen

spectra

of

the

other,

undated

core

from

the

Sea

of

-

28

-

Galilee,

D-1021/1

(1971,

table

16).

These

results

directly

contradict

the

evidence

from

the

K-Jam

cores

which

suggested

that

Galilee

was

well-forested

at

the

"beginning

of

the

Holocene.

Subsequently

the

values

for

arboreal

pollen

increase

in core

D-1016/2,

reaching

a

peak

between

27

and

23m,

a

little

before

the

middle

of the Holocene.

The

proportions

of

oak

pollen

in the

spectra

have actually

declined

but

walnut

and

jujube

make

up

the

difference.

Open

field

pollen

still

forms an

important

percentage

of

the total.

Again

it

would

appear difficult

to

reconcile

this

curve

for

arboreal

pollen

with

that

from

the

K-Jam

core.

The

two

other

cores

from

the

Huleh

basin, U.P.6

and

U.P.15,

are

believed

to

extend

back

only

as

far

as

the

earlier

Holocene

(Horowitz,

1971,

268ff).

The

percentages

of

arboreal

pollen

are

quite

high

at

the

bottom

of

these

cores,

possibly

correlating

with

the

relatively

high

values

we

have

noted

for

the

earlier

Holocene

in

core

D-1016/2.

The

pollen

is

mostly

from

oak

trees

with

a

little

pistachio

and

olive

but

no

jujube;

the

high

values

for

the

latter

species

in

the

D-1016/2

core

may

be

anomalous.

Can

the

often

apparently

conflicting

evidence

from

these

cores

be

brought

together

to

present

a

coherent

picture

of

vegetation

change?

Part

of

the

difficulty may

be

that

the

record

from

the

K-Jam

core

is

a

long

one

and

insensitive

to

short-term

variations.

The

evidence

from

this

core

suggests

a

steady

decline

in

forest

vegetation

as

the

Holocene

progresses,

a

general

trend

apparent from

the

arboreal

pollen

curves

in

the

two

other

Huleh

cores,

though

not

fully

supported

by

the

evidence

from

the

cores

from

the

Sea

of

Galilee.

The

low

arboreal

pollen

values

for the

beginning

of

the

Holocene

in

core

D-1016/2

may

refer

to

a

short-term

fluctuation

in

that

area

which

has

not

been

noticed

in

the

more

generalised

studies

of

the

K-Jam

core.

One

may

now

present

with

due

caution

a

synthesis

of

the

vegetation

record

from

these

cores.

At

the

close

of

the

Pleistocene

when

the

Huleh

lake

was

quite

extensive

the

hills

of

Galilee

and

the

Golan

were

clothed

with

forest

composed principally

of

oak.

At

the

beginning

of the

Holocene

there

may

have

-

29

-

been

a

brief

decline

in

forest

cover,

at

least

in

the

environs of the

Sea

of

Galilee,

but

thereafter

the hills

were

forested

until

the

mid-Holocene.

This

long

period

of

fairly

extensive

tree

cover

in

northern

Palestine

coin-

cides

with

the

phase

of

greater

run-off

that

maintained

the

Dead

Sea

at

a

high

level.

Later

in

the

Holocene

most of the

cores

show

a

decline

in

tree

pollen

and,

in

the

Huleh

basin,

an

extension

of

marsh

vegetation

which

Horowitz

believes

can

be

attributed

to

generally

drier

conditions

(1971,

268).

It

would

seem

more likely

by

this

time

that

man

was

partly

responsible

for

these

vegetation

changes

through

forest

clearance.

If

this

interpretation

is

correct

for

Galilee

and

the

Golan

then

one

may

tentatively

infer

from

it

something

of

the

pattern

of

vegetation

further

south.

It

is

likely

that

the

Judean

hills

and

the

mountains

of

TransJordan

were forested

at

least

as

far

south

as

the latitude

of

the

Dead

Sea

and

probably

further.

Timber

from

a

number

of

species

from

the

forested

zone

such

as

ash,

plane,

almond,

pear,

olive,

fig,

Christ's

Thorn

and

carob

was

used by

the

Neolithic

inhabitants

of

Jericho

(Western,

1971

9

fig.

1).

This

suggests

that

the

Mediterranean

forest

lay

nearer

the

site

than

it

does

today

(Western,

1971,

Uo).

Northern

Sinai

would

have

been

affected

by

the

moister

conditions

that

existed

in'Egypt

and

so

probably

had

a

richer

vegetation

in

the

earlier

Holocene

than

now.

This

was

almost

certainly

the

same

vegetation

of steppe

and

scat-

tered

trees

that

existed

in

the

area

at

the end

of

the

Pleistocene.

Only

when

more arid

conditions

returned

after

6000

B.C.

would

the

vegetation

have

deteriorated,

a

gradual

process

that

has

continued

until

the

present

day.

Even

now

a

few

relict

specimens of

trees

are

to be

found

in

favoured

habitats

in

both

Sinai

and

TransJordan

(Zohary,

1962,

5*0

though

the

vegetation

zones

of

which

they

were

characteristic

have

retreated.

There

is

very

little

evidence

from

which

to

determine

the

vegetation

in

Lebanon

and

southern

Syria

during

the

Holocene.

Presumably

the

Mountains

of

Lebanon

remained

heavily

forested

for

several

thousand

years.

A

single

pollen

-

30

-

spectrum

from Tekieh

suggests

that

the

Anti-Lebanon

still

carried

some trees

and

herbaceous

ground

cover

as

late

as

the

mid-Holocene

(Kaiser

et

al.,

1973,

fig.

6).

Further

east

steppe

vegetation

characterised

by

Chenopodiaceae

and

Compositae

began

to encroach

upon

the

Damascus

basin

and

the

Golan

(Leroi-

Gourhan,

1973,

U6)

quite

early

in

the

Holocene

but

it

is

likely

that

man's

activities

hastened

this

transformation.

The

principal

source

of

information

for

the

vegetation

of

northern Syria

during

the

earlier

Holocene

is

the

Ghab

pollen

core.

Sub-zone

Z3 in

the

pollen

diagram

is

ascribed

to

this

period

(Niklewski,

van

Zeist,

1970,

750).

Jebels

Alawiye

and Zawiye

remained

clothed

with

light

mixed

forest

throughout

this

period.

The

forest

was

principally

composed

of

evergreen

oak,

olive,

pine

(Pinus

brutia),

pistachio

and

hornbeam

with

some

cedar

of

Lebanon.

There

was

less

oak

pollen

in

this

sub-zone

than

in

Z2

and

a

higher

percentage

of

herba-

ceous

pollen.

This

may

indicate

that

the

tree

cover

was

less

dense

than

in

Z2

and

that

rainfall

decreased

slightly

(Niklewski,

van

Zeist,

1970,

750)

in

the

early Holocene.

Almost

the

same

type

of

light

forest

would

be

the

natural

vegetation

cover

in

this

area

today

were

it

not

for

man's

interference.

Later

in

the

Holocene

species

such

as

pistachio,

olive,

juniper

and

hornbeam

de-

creased

while

cedar

disappeared

completely

because

of

man's

activities

(Wiklewski,

van

Zeist,

1970,

751).

The

vegetation

around

Abu

Hureyra

during

the

earlier

Holocene

was

steppic

but

still

richer

in

species

than

today

(Hillman,

1975,

70).

This

would

indicate

that

the

total rainfall

was

probably

about

the

same

as

now

although

it

may

have

been

more

regular.

The

drastic

degradation

of

the

steppe

that

occurred

during

the

Holocene

around

Abu

Hureyra

and

throughout

northern

and

central

Syria

was

brought

about more

by

man's

activities

than

by

climatic

change.

It

will

be

useful

now

to

compare

the

data

we

have

already

considered

with

recent

proposed

reconstructions

of

postglacial

atmospheric circulation

in the

northern

hemisphere.

During

the

9th

millennium

atmospheric

circulation

is

believed

to

have

been

relatively

weak

over

Europe

and

it

is

thought

that

the

-

31

-

belt

of

-westerly

winds

lay

further

south than

today

(Lamb,

1971

9

Rain-bearing

winds

from

the

Atlantic

and

Mediterranean

would

have

reached

the

Levant

more

frequently

(Lamb,

Woodroffe,

1970

9

figs.

10b,

10c)

and

so

winter

rainfall

would

have

been

greater

than

today;

it

is

also

possible

that

the

rainy season

lasted

longer

than

now.

By

about

6500

B.C.

the

European

ice

sheet

had

almost

disappeared

but

the

North

American

one

still

existed.

This

stimulated

a

more vigorous

wind

system

and

also

caused

the

westerlies

over

the

Atlantic

to

follow

a

more

north-easterly

course.

A

strong

anticyclone

lay

in

the

eastern

Atlantic

and

over

western

Europe

(Lamb,

1971,

160,

figs.

8,

9),

preventing

some

of

the

moist

air

from

the

Atlantic

reaching

the

Levant.

In

consequence

rainfall

became

more

seasonal

and

possibly

decreased

in

amount;

the

continued

post-

glacial

rise

in

temperature

would

have

also

tended

to

lower

precipitation.

About

UOOO

B.C.

the

North American

ice

sheet

had

melted

so

the

wind

system

resumed

a

more

zonal

configuration

but

now

the

track

of

the

westerlies

f

lay

further north

(Lamb,

1971,

160,

fig.

10;

Lamb

et

al.,

1966,

fig.

11g).

The

Levantine

summer

became

longer

and

drier

while

fewer

rain-bearing

depressions

penetrated

from

the

west

in

winter.

Consequently

this

was

a

relatively

arid

period.

Subsequently

the

atmospheric

circulation

fluctuated

again

(Lamb,

1971»

l60ff)

and

this

led

to

an

amelioration

of

climatic

conditions

in

the

Levant

during

the

following

millennia.

Summary

We

can

now

summarise

the

evidence

for

climatic

change

in

the

Levant

during

the

earlier

Holocene

and

see

what

effect

it

had

on

the environment.

After

a

brief

cooler phase

at

the

close

of

the

Pleistocene

the

temperature

resumed

its

rise.

The

rainy season was

both

more

regular

and

lasted

longer

than

today.

Total

rainfall

remained

relatively

high

although

there

is

some

evidence

from

the

pollen

cores

that

it

decreased

slightly

in

northern

Syria

and

possibly

further

south.

These

relatively

cool,

moist climatic

conditions

kept

the

Dead

Sea

at

a

high

level

and

led

to

significant erosion

in

the

Mediterranean

forest

Intermediate

open

forest

Desert

—

Fig.

3

A

reconstruction

of

vegetation

zones

c.

6,000

B.C.

scale

1

=

5,000,000

- 32 -

Damascus

basin.

In

Egypt

conditions

were

also

moister

than

today,

causing

the

Arminna

member

to

be

formed

in

Nubia.

Because

the

climate

was

cooler

and

moister

the

Mediterranean

forest

zone

covered

a

larger

area

than

it

would

now

without

human

interference.

Palestine

and

Trans

Jordan

were

clothed

in a

mixed

forest

which extended further

south

than

today.

This

changed

to

open

forest

in

northern

Sinai

while

much

of

the

rest

of

the

peninsula

had

steppe

vegetation

with

scattered

trees.

Further

north

the

Mountains

of

Lebanon were

heavily

forested while

the

Anti-Lebanon

carried

light

woodland.

The

mixed

forest

extended

throughout

the

Jebels

Alawiye

and

Zawiye,

curving

eastward

about

the

latitude

of

Aleppo.

Beyond

the

Mediterranean

forest

zone

lay the

intermediate

open

forest

belt

which

stretched

from

as

far

south

as

the

Dead

Sea

along

the

plateau

of

Trans-

jordan into

northern

Syria.

To

the

east this

belt

merged

with

the steppe

zone

which occupied

much

of the

interior

and

part

of

Sinai.

The

desert

zone

still

covered

a

very

small

part

of

the

Levant,

in

contrast

with

today

(Zohary,

During

the

7th

millennium

the

climate

changed;

rainfall

became

more

seasonal

and

probably

diminished.

This

caused

a

gradual

contraction

of

the

Mediterranean

mixed

forest

and

intermediate

open

forest

zones

(Fig.

3).

The

steppe

expanded

into

areas

that

previously

carried

open

forest

while

the

desert,

too,

reached

further north

and

west.

The

Ghab

and

other

pollen

cores

indicate

that

these

changes

were

accelerated

by

man's activities.

Another

change

in

climate

took

place

during

the

5th

millennium

when

rainfall

in

the

Levant

decreased

further;

it

had

already

fallen

to

almost

nothing

in

Egypt.

By

now

the

temperature

had

risen

to

near

its

postglacial

maximum.

This

deterioration

in

climate

seems

to

have

been

quite

marked

for

it

caused

the

level

of

the

Dead

Sea

to

drop sharply.

The

effect

on

the

vegetation

would

have

been

to

cause

a

further

contraction

of

the

forest

zones

(Fig.

U).

The

desert

albeit

with

some

relict

trees,

would

have

now

extended

throughout

Sinai,

eastern

Trans

Jordan

and

southern

and

eastern

Syria.

It

is

Mediterranean

forest

Intermediate

open

forest

Fig.

4

A

reconstruction

of

vegetation

zones

c.

4,000

B.C.

scale

1:5,000,000

-

33 -

difficult

to

determine

precisely

the

boundaries

of

the

natural vegetation

zones

because

man's

activities

had

already

distorted

the

picture.

The

climate

improved

somewhat

late

in

the

Uth

millennium

but

by

now

the

damage

done

to

the

vegetation

by

man

and

increased

aridity,

particularly

in

the

zones

of

open

forest

and

park

steppe,

was

irreversible.

While

the

climatic

changes

that

took

place

in

the

Levant

in

the

early

Holocene

were

not

as

great

as

during

the

Wtirm

they

were

sufficient

to alter

both

landforms

and the

extent

of

the

major

vegetation

zones.

At

the

moment

it is

possible

only to

describe

these

environmental

changes

in

outline

but

the

evidence

of the

pollen

cores

and

the

sediments

of

the

Damascus

basin

suggest

that events

were

more

complex

than

the

scheme

presented

here.

The

actual

fluctuations

in

rainfall

and

temperature

may

have

been

relatively

small

compared

with

the

postglacial

in

northern

Europe

but

they

had

a

marked

effect

on

the

environment

because

so

much

of

the

southern

Levant

and

the

inland

plateau

is

a

semi-arid

zone

sensitive

to

slight

climatic

changes.

The

evidence

of the

Zagros

pollen

cores

emphasises

that

the

present

climate

and

natural

vegetation

zones

in

the

Near

East

were

not

established

until

the

Holocene

was

well

advanced.

The

changes

in

natural

environment

that

took

place

during

the

earlier

Holocene

would

have

significantly influenced

human

settlement

and

economy.

For the

first

time

man's

own

activities

had

a

marked

effect

on

the

landscape,

particularly

its

vegetation

and

soil

cover.

The

environmental

changes

that

took

place,

therefore,

were caused

by

a

complex

interaction

of

climatic

change

and

human

behaviour.

Chapter

2

THE

MESOLITHIC

OF

THE

LEVANT

The

Mesolithic

of

the

Levant

was

a

distinct

cultural

stage

which

came

betweeb

the

Aurignacian

and the

Neolithic.

Its

most

diagnostic

archaeological

feature was

a

chipped

stone

industry

characterised

"by

microlithic

tools.

This

microlithic

component

has

been

found

on

Mesolithic

stations

all

over

the

Levant

but

on

no

Aurignacian

or

Neolithic

site.

It

is

thus

the

most

distinctive

trait

by

which

to

define

the

Mesolithic

stage.

Mesolithic

sites

were

first

discovered

in

Palestine

and

the

cultural

sequence

has

since

been

established

more securely

there

than anywhere

else.

The

earliest

group

of

these

sites

determined

on

the

evidence

of

stratigraphy

and

comparative

typology

was

called

Kebaran

after

the site

where

this

phase

was

first

defined

in

excavation

by

Turville-Petre

(1932,

271).

The

second

phase

was

called

Natufian

since

its

type-site,

Shukbah,

was

situated

in

the

Wadi

en-Natuf

on

the

western

edge

of

the

Judean

hills

(Garrod,

19^2,

1).

The

information

obtained

from

these

excavations

was

considerably

augmented

in

later

years

in

further

work

by

Garrod

herself

at

the

Mugharet

el

Wad

(Garrod,

Bate,

1937,

9ff),

by

Neuville

at

several

sites

in

the

Judean

desert

(1951,

86ff),

Stekelis

and

his

collaborators

at

En

Gev

(Bar-Yosef,

1970a,

106)

and

Perrot

at

Ain Mallaha

(Eynan)

(1968,

col.

367).

Much

other

information

about

Mesolithic

sites

in

Palestine

has also

been

found

in

recent

surveys

and

excavations.

I

must

now

explain

why

I

have

called

this

stage

"Mesolithic"

since

this

term

is

not

widely

used

at

present

in

Near

Eastern

archaeology.

The

Kebaran

and

Natufian

were

described

as

Mesolithic

from

their

discovery

until

sometime

after

the

Second

World

War

(Turville-Petre,

1932,

276;

Garrod,

1957a,

211).

Objections

to

this

term

have

recently

been

raised by

a

number

of

archaeologists

Braidwood,

for

example,

has

said

that

there

was no

Mesolithic

in

western

Asia

in

the

sense

that

the

term

is

used

in

northern

Europe

(Braidwood, Howe,

1960,

-

35

-

U,

81).

Perrot

(I966a,

U83)

and

Bar-Yosef

(1970a,

1)

have

also

rejected

the

term;

they

prefer

to

call

this

stage

"Epipalaeolithic"

to

emphasise

that

the

microlithic

industries

developed from

the

Aurignacian.

At

a

conference

in

London

in

1969

a

number

of

archaeologists

accepted

this

reasoning

and

agreed

to

use

this

name

in

future.

I

believe

that

the

exclusive

use

of

"Epipalaeolithic"

has

a

number

of

disadvantages.

While

I

-would

agree

that

there

was

continuity

from

the

Aurignacian

to

the

Kebaran,

this

term

implies

that

there was

an

absolute

break

between

the

Natufian

representing

the

end

of

the

Palaeolithic

and

the

Neolithic.

It

is

clear

now,

however,

that

human

occupation

of

the

Levant

continued

straight

through

from

the

Natufian

to

the

earlier

Neolithic.

"Epipalaeolithic"

also

implies

that

the

Kebaran

and

Natufian

had

more

in

common

in

their

artifacts

and

way

of

life

with

the

immediately

preceding

Aurignacian

than

with

the

Neolithic.

It

will

be

seen

from what

follows

that

I

would

strongly

challenge

this

assumption.

This

was

an

important

inter-

mediate

stage

in

the

human

settlement

of

the

Levant

distinct

from

both

the

Palaeolithic

before

and

the

Neolithic

after.

Further,

it

coincided

with

the

final

cold

phase

of

the

Pleistocene

and

its

immediate

aftermath

so

that

the

environmental

setting

was

different

from

the

preceding

and

succeeding

stages,

the

contrast

between

the

Kebaran

and

Aurignacian

landscapes

being

particularly

marked.

This

stage

needs

to

be

described

by

a

term

that

suitably

expresses

its

distinctive

qualities.

I

prefer

to

return

to

earlier

usage and

to

use

"Mesolithic"

to

describe

these

phases,

the

Kebaran

and

Natufian

in

Palestine

and

contemporary

sites

elsewhere

in

the

Levant.

The

Mesolithic

has

been

more

thoroughly

investigated

in

Palestine

than

in

any

other

region

of

the

Levant.

A

few

Mesolithic

sites

had

long

been

known

in

Lebanon

and

Syria

but

their

number

has

grown

markedly

in

recent

years.

Several

of

these

sites

have

now

been excavated

so

that

the

sequence

in

these

regions

has

also

been

determined,

at

least

in

outline.

For

many

years

the

Nebekian

and

Falitian

levels

excavated

by

Rust

at

Yabrud

III

were

-

36

-

thought

to

be

the

most

northerly Kebaran-like

occurrence

but

has

now

been

found

at

Douara

Cave

near

Palmyra

(Akazawa,

197^-,

^)

and

possibly

at

Nahr

el

Homr

east

of

Aleppo

beside

the

Euphrates

(Roodenberg,

forthcoming).

The

evolution

of

this

phase

in

Lebanon

has

become

much

clearer

following

the

recent

wort

at

Ksar

Akil

(Tixier,

197^,

1W

and

Jiita

II

(Hours,

1973,

199).

Sites

with

material related

to

the

Natufian

have

also

been

known

over

a

wide

area

for

some

time.

Helwan

near

Cairo

(Massoulard,

19^9»

29)

and

Yabrud

III

(Rust,

1950,

119)

were

investigated

long

ago

but

recently

several

more

sites

have

been

discovered

and

excavated

in

Lebanon

and

Syria.

No

less

than

four,

Tell

Abu

Hureyra

(Moore,

1975,

56),

Mureybat

(Cauvin,

1972,

107),

Dibsi

Faraj

East

(Wilkinson,

Moore,

forthcoming)

and

Nahr

el

Homr

(Roodenberg,

forthcoming)

have

now

been

examined

in

the

Euphrates

valley

in

the

programme

of

archaeological

exploration

which

has

taken

place during

the

construction

of

the

new

Euphrates

dam.

Work by

Hours

and

his

collaborators

at

Jiita

II

(Chavaillon, Hours,

1970,

215ff)

and

by

Schroeder

at

Saaideh

(1970,

200)

and

Nacharini

has

begun

to

clarify

the

development

of

this

stage

in

Lebanon.

Now

that

sites

with

material

resembling

at

least

in

part

the

assemblages

of

artifacts

from

Kebaran

and

Natufian

sites

in

Palestine

have

been

found

over

such

a

wide

area

of the

Levant

and

even

further

afield

the

traditional

terms

used

to

describe

them

are

no

longer

adequate.

The

descriptions

"Kebaran"

and

"Natufian"

have

been

used

to

describe

every

site

far

beyond

the

confines

of

Palestine with

material

which

bears

only

the

most

general

resemblance

to

that

on

the

type-sites.

They

have

by

such usage

become

so

strained

that

they

have

lost

some

of

their

original

meaning

and

precision.

I

propose

in

this

thesis

to

use

the terms "Kebaran" and "Natufian" only

for

sites

in

Palestine

which

may

be

properly

described

under these

headings.

Sites

found

elsewhere

in

the

Levant

which

have

similarities

with

these

I

shall

classify

as

Mesolithic

1

if

they may be

compared

with

the

Kebaran

and

Mesolithic

2

if

they

have

some

of

the

characteristic

traits

of

the

Natufian.

Both

Mesolithic

1

and

Meso-

lithic

2

will

also

subsume

the

Kebaran

and

Natufian

in

Palestine

itself.

-

37

-

Mesolithic

1

Mesolithic

1

throughout

the

Levant

followed

the

Aurignacian

or

Levantine

Upper

Palaeolithic.